Anglesey, Wellington, O'Connell.

Chapter XVI.

1829-1831.

The First Recall of Lord Anglesey - Reasons assigned by the Duke of Wellington - His Attack upon Myself - Lord Anglesey’s Reply - Ministerial surveillance of Hospitality - Letters from Lord Anglesey - Viceroyalty of the Duke of Northumberland - Unnecessary Irritation of Mr. O’Connell - Its Consequences - Renewal of Party Violence - Lord Anglesey’s Return to Ireland - His Reception and Difficulties - Letters from Lord Anglesey, from Mr. William Murphy, from Mr. George Villiers - My own Difficulties at this Period - The Campaign opened by Mr. O’Connell - His Attempt to force me into Collision with the Lord Lieutenant - Letter from Lord Anglesey - Arrest of Mr. O’Connell - His Arraignment and Escape from Judgement.

I will now take up the thread of my rambling story from the date of the first recall of the Marquis of Anglesey from Ireland-a measure with which I was in some degree connected; at least her Majesty’s ministers did me the honour of framing a special count in their indictment against the noble Marquis, in such manner as to include an attack upon me. On November the 11th, 1828, but a few short months before the Duke of Wellington turned his back upon himself and his old no-Popery friends, his Grace wrote to the Lord Lieutenant in the following terms:-

“I will not conceal from you, likewise, that your visit, and those of my Lord Chancellor, to Lord Cloncurry, and the attendance of Lord Cloncurry at the Roman Catholic Association, immediately subsequent to the period at which he had the honour of receiving the King’s Representative in his house, are not circumstances calculated to give satisfaction to the King, and to the public in general.”

The cause of the visit to the Roman Catholic Association here alluded to I may as well explain; not, of course, that I think such an occurrence requires explanation, but in order to show the quality of the charges which were thought by the emancipating ministry sufficient to justify the insulting dismissal of my noble friend. That visit was, in fact, so far as I recollect, my first and only appearance at the Association, although I had for some time been a contributor to its funds. I went there, then, not in order to make a speech or to show myself, but for the purpose of seeing Messrs. O’Connell and Sheil, in the hope that I might be able to induce them to interfere to prevent certain monster marchings of the peasantry in Tipperary, against which it was thought it would have been necessary to issue a proclamation. I thought I might be able to prevent this necessity by appealing to the good sense and good feeling of those gentlemen; and accordingly, with the privity of Lord Anglesey, I took Mr. W. H. Curran with me to the house of Mr. O’Connell, to speak with him on the subject. We failed of seeing him there, and went on to the Association rooms, where I saw Mr. Sheil, who promised to use his influence (which he did successfully) to stop the marchings.

While we were speaking, Mr. O’Connell came in; and as I was going away, he said to me - “While you are here, you may as well come in and see our meeting.” I did so, and being received very cordially by those present, I addressed to them a few words of gratitude, and hope for the success of their cause. This was the head and front of the offending both of Lord Anglesey and myself in this matter; yet, although a full explanation of his communications with me was given by the Lord Lieutenant, in his reply to the letter from which I have just quoted, it was again adverted to in offensive terms by his Grace of Wellington, and was finally disposed of by Lord Anglesey in the following spirited words, which I extract from a letter addressed by him to the Duke, on the 23rd of November:-

“I have little to add (wrote his Excellency) to what I have already said concerning Lord Cloncurry. I believe him to be a loyal subject, a good man, and an exemplary magistrate; and I cannot consent to abandon the exercise of my own discretion in selecting those with whom I may deem it expedient and prudent to hold an intercourse. But even if I were mistaken in the character of my Lord Cloncurry, and that he is not what I suppose him to be, I am sure I shall not be thought arrogant in expressing a conviction that there is something in my own character, and in my well-known devoted and affectionate attachment to the King, which ought to shield me from the imputation of having selected and encouraged as acquaintance those who are ill-affected to his Majesty’s person and government.”

The Chancellor, who was implicated with Lord Anglesey in the grave offence of dining with me, was my late excellent friend, Sir Anthony Hart. I know not whether he got a private share of the rebuke, or whether his judicial position preserved him from the operation of martial law; but I am sure it would not, if the system of espionage had been a little more perfect, and that the fact had been known at head-quarters that Sir Anthony had begged of me to introduce him to the Prime Agitator, and that one of the few occasions upon which Mr. O’Connell dined with me at Lyons was in company with the keeper of the King’s Irish conscience, who was much interested and amused upon the occasion.

I must not omit to mention, however, that the shabby allusion of the Duke of Wellington to the civilities that passed between these distinguished persons and myself was quite of a piece with the system adopted towards me by “the Castle,” when the prevalent influence there was *en rapport *with his Grace. A curious illustration of the pettiness to which this feeling was carried occurred upon one occasion, when I had received into my house a gentleman who met with a severe accident while hunting in the neighbourhood, and who was obliged by the injuries he had received to remain for some time at Lyons. This gentleman (a brother of Lord Dinorben’s) upon his return to Dublin met Sir Charles Vernon, one of the Castle officials, and was warned by him in a friendly way of the dangerous character of my hospitalities:- “You are taking a bad way of recommending yourself for promotion, Colonel Hughes,” said Sir Charles, “by accepting Lord Cloncurry’s civilities.”

I have reason to believe that it was not for lack of will that the attack made upon me through Lord Anglesey was not renewed, at a subsequent period, apropos to the favour bestowed upon me by the King, in raising me to the peerage in Great Britain. There was, however, so far as I know, no overt act of hostility committed against me by the Duke of Wellington and his associates, and I shall now take leave of the subject; but in doing so, I must not deny myself the pleasure of putting upon record the following letters, having reference to it. Their contents will not surprise any one who had an opportunity of estimating the noble character of the writer:- *

The Marquis of Anglesey to Lord Cloncurry.*

Phoenix Park, December 26th, 1828.

“My dear Lord - I ought not to have so long delayed the acknowledgement of your obliging letter of the 21st, and the expression of the high sense I entertain of the delicacy of your conduct in declining to come to my house, lest it might be productive of increased ferment in a quarter which has taken so sinister and so ill-judged a view of our acquaintance.

If I thought that by yielding in some measure even to the prejudices of others I would increase the possible chance of rendering some service to Ireland, I would be ready to make great sacrifices to attain this paramount object; but I feel certain that the very reverse is the fact, and that with those I have to deal, I have no chance whatever of success, if I yield one inch of ground, or am diverted from the straight line I am pursuing.

I entreat you, therefore, my dear Lord, to overcome your patriotic scruples, and that you will believe me to be,

Very faithfully yours3

Anglesey.

Should you have any objection to my showing your memoir and letter to the Chancellor and Lord F. Leveson? I am sure both the memoir and the letter do you honour. A.” *

The Marquis of Anglesey to Lord Cloncurry.*

Uxbridge House, May 7th, 1829.

“My dear Lord - When I can get a corrected copy of my speech and explanation of Monday last, I will send it to you; in the meantime, be assured that I have not made out a bad case either for you or for me.

I hope you will take no sort of notice of anything that passed. Your character has been so supported, and stands so clear, and those parts of my speech and statement wherein your name were mentioned was so warmly cheered, that I do not believe you could make it better. Let me hear what you think of it all.

Thank God, my parliamentary and official duties are now over; and I have ascertained beyond a doubt that I am not fit to fight with thorough-paced politicians, so I shall leave them to their dirty work.

I beg my best regards to Lady Cloncurry. My boys are at Westminster. Nothing could keep them from the House that night. It is well they did not rush through, and attack the Duke with their little fists.

Believe me very truly yours,

Anglesey.”

The interval between Lord Anglesey’s two vice-royalties extended over a period of nearly two years, during which the Duke of Northumberland was at the head of the Irish government. It was a stormy and eventful time. The manner in which relief was granted to Roman Catholics expressly as a concession to violence wrung from the fears, not from the sense of justice of the givers, confirmed the people in their wildest impressions as to their own power; while the contemptible exhibition of personal spite towards Mr. O’Connell, with which it was accompanied, irritated the personal feelings of that gentleman, and of his associate leaders. Accordingly the passing of the Relief Act, instead of proving to be a healing measure, became the signal for the commencement of a new agitation. Mr. O’Connell started from the post. He again offered himself to the electors of the County of Clare immediately after the House of Commons refused to receive him upon the credit of his election prior to the passing of the Relief Act, and his address was at once a song of triumph for his victory over Wellington and Peel, and a declaration of future war to the knife. He said, truly enough, that securities against treachery and perfidy were necessary to protect the Irish people against “the insidious policy of men, who, false to their own party, can never be true to us, and who had yielded not to reason but to necessity.” Such securities he announced his intention to seek in the repeal of the Act for disfranchising the forty-shilling freeholders, and of the Subletting Act; in a redistribution of Church property, and a provision of glebes for the Catholic clergy; in parliamentary reform, and in “the introduction of the English system of poor laws.”

It is impossible to read this catalogue of promises without being struck with their obvious character. Two of these measures - the provision for the Catholic clergy and the poor laws - were afterwards violently opposed by Mr. O’Connell, and all of them were manifestly the fruit of the irritation of the moment. It is scarcely possible to doubt that had the Relief Act not been framed with the express design of excluding Mr. O’Connell, [The relief from the necessity of taking the obnoxious oaths, was expressly limited to the case of “any person professing the Roman Catholic religion, who shall after the commencement of this Act be returned as a member of the House of Commons.”] he. would have quietly taken his seat, and if he had not settled down into the ease of the bench of justice, that he would have pursued a course of constitutional exertion for the social and political improvement of Ireland, that must, before long, have received the warm support of every Irishman, and would, in the end, have led to an amended relation between the two kingdoms, satisfactory to every wise and honest Englishman.

The future was, however, differently looked to by Peel and Wellington, and their wisdom resulted in the initiation of a new epoch of distraction and misery which has now endured for 20 years, and is, to all human appearance, but just entered upon. Mr. O’Connell forthwith commenced his new career, and coincidently with his commencement, the Protestant party, deceived and betrayed by those whom they had served to the destruction of the real foundations of their own prosperity, regirt themselves for a further struggle in the cause of civil discord.

A revival of the Orange Lodges was begun and pushed forward under the stimulation of a few leaders, whose traffic in the liberties and welfare of their country had been put an end to by the recent revolution, and who, a few years later, when they failed in their attempt to re-establish their oligarchy, again basely betrayed those whom they had thus driven into the miseries of a hopeless and aimless civil war.

The latter part of the year 1829, and the whole of 1830, were miserably distinguished by the party conflicts, outrages, and agitations, which were the necessary concomitants of the position of affairs I have endeavoured to describe. To the government of the country thus torn and convulsed, Lord Anglesey was again called in December of the latter year. To every sincere and unbiassed friend of Ireland, this event was a source of unalloyed gratification. It was known that his Lordship’s mind had received the most favourable impressions of the case of the Irish people, that he had never ceased, during his absence, to fool the deepest interest in their concerns, and that he was now likely to possess the power of carrying out his good intentions, which had been wanting to him during his first viceroyalty, when he was the colleague of a Tory government. That power he would not only have possessed, but have successfully exercised for the good of Ireland, had the leaders of the Irish people not preferred the pleasure and profits of agitation to the attainment of the legitimate end of all political agitation, the substantial improvement of the country.

It was an unquestionable fact that, even under the most liberal English government, a governor of Ireland must have many difficulties to contend with in entering upon a liberal course of Irish policy. The extraordinary ignorance of any feelings but English feelings, which usually impedes the progress of British statesmen beyond their domestic circle of politics - the vast difference of character and circumstances between the Irish people, both aboriginal and colonial, and the English, which makes that ignorance the occasion of grave political errors in the government of Ireland-the old and fixed habit of conducting that government by the agency of a faction-the circumstance that it was the unalterable custom to incarnate all these difficulties in the person of a Chief Secretary holding political opinions opposite to those of his chief - all these facts demanded from the Irish people, not merely forbearance, but an active support to a Lord Lieutenant, who, like Lord Anglesey, had pledged himself (and been martyred for his fidelity to his pledge) to do justice to those whom he had undertaken to govern in the name of his and their sovereign. Nevertheless, neither support nor forbearance wore accorded to Lord Anglesey. From the moment when it was known that he was re-appointed, ho was treated by the demagogues as an enemy, and the extraordinary progress in liberalism made during his Lieutenancy must, in candour, be set down to the account of his courage and perseverance in fighting the cause of the people against both themselves and their enemies.

The following, letters will be interesting as illustrating the view I have just taken of the relations between Lord Anglesey and the Irish leaders and people, at the period to which I refer, as well as from the expression in them of certain opinions of the former upon the character and causes of passing events:- *

The Marquis of Anglesey to Lord Cloncurry.*

Uxbridge House, June 14th, 1830.

“My dear Lord Cloncurry - Although I am ill able to write, and particularly upon anything like business, still I cannot resist sending the inclosed.

I cannot enter into particulars, but send you the pamphlets - some specimens of the plant [New Zealand flax], and of articles made from it; and also two plants, which I hope will arrive safe.

If you judge right, you will present them to the Board from me, or if not, you will, perhaps, try them yourself.

You see I am always interested about Ireland, and wish I could give it better help; but, alas! I have not been able. I have been, and am very ill, and have been obliged to turn all the petitions with which I have been charged over to other Lords to present.

Let not them think that I neglect them. With kindest regards to Lady Cloncurry, in which Lady Anglesey cordially joins. Ever, my dear Lord, most truly yours,

Anglesey.” *

The Marquis of Anglesey to Lord Cloncurry.*

Cowes, August 10th, 1830.

“My dear Lord Cloncurry - The writer of the enclosed desires me to give a letter of introduction to you, and the best thing I can do is to forward his letter, stating, at the same time, that I know nothing of him.

I congratulate you, and all liberal minds, upon the glorious conduct of the French nation. They have wisely profited by the severe lessons they have received, and by their firmness and moderation are proving that they are deserving of liberty. *We *arc going on strangely, and from having been the leading power of Europe, with all eyes upon us, to take the tone from us, are now hated and despised by the whole Continent - ay, and, I fear, by the other Continent also.

If we persevere much longer in *our old habits, *and do not turn over a new leaf, and reform whilst we yet may, through the medium of moderate and honest men, I fear that reform may come from quarters that will not accomplish it in the manner that the real lovers of their country would wish.

Some time ago I ordered half a buck to be sent to you. It happened that they sent me the remainder of the beast, which arrived in such a state, that it was immediately buried. If you had the same bad luck, let me know, that I may replace it when the weather becomes cooler. Lady Anglesey and my children join with we in kind remembrances and best wishes to you and Lady Cloncurry.

I have not suffered pain since I left London about five weeks ago. At this moment I have a desperate attack of lumbago, but that is such a trifle, compared with other sufferings, that I do not mind it. Believe me, my dear Lord,

Very truly yours,

Anglesey.” *

The Marquis of Anglesey to Lord Cloncurry.*

Beaudesert, September 9th, 1830.

“My dear Lord Cloncurry - I am glad you have crossed the water, and I hope I shall profit by it. You are at no great distance, and we shall all rejoice to see you and Lady Cloncurry

Your letter in regard to politics, both internal and external, is as if you had heard me descant upon those matters, and had wished to flatter my vanity by a coincident opinion-we agree to a very trifle. The whole of Europe is in a state of excitement and commotion I do not even exclude Russia. If monarchs and governors act with liberality, discretion, and decision-if they will open their eyes to the real state of general knowledge and of public feeling, and go with, or, what would be better, anticipate public expectation-all may go well, and mankind may make a very rapid stride towards happiness and prosperity. But if the reverse is the case-it instead of bending with a good grace to circumstances which they cannot control, they attempt to persevere in the old pernicious courses, there will be an universal crash, and few states, it any, will escape the general wreck. He who first begins to reform is the wisest man, and, in my opinion, there is not much room for delay. 1 want reform, temperate, but deep and general, and not the least reason for wanting it is, that I prefer the monarchical state, and am an aristocrat. But then aristocracy wants reform, for I believe it to be the most powerful of the three estates, and what I take to be right is, that the three should balance each other, or what I ought rather to say, that no one of the three should be too powerful for the other two.

We must contrive to get a government that shall rule by public, opinion and the confidence of the people, and that shall at once, and manfully, cease to carry on their measures by the power of patronage, influence, and intrigue.

We must look all our difficulties and dangers in the face, and pay our debt and support our necessary establishments by a total alteration in taxation, and in the method of collecting an adequate revenue.

All this I firmly believe to be practicable; hut where is the man who has the nerve and vigour to undertake it? I know him not, nor do I know any one who would take upon him the unpleasant task of proving to our King, that by such a course alone he and our constitution may be saved.

I do not believe our present premier is equal to all this; and I do not believe he would establish such an order of things, even if he could.

He is losing ground in public opinion; and he has made it apparent that no good measure ever emanates from him, but that whatever of good is adopted, has always been forced upon him. For my part I know not where to look for an able and an honest leader. There is no one that appears inclined to take that happy middle course which is alone safe.

I am inclined to think that our best liberals of high character and name, are not prepared to go deep enough to get at the seats of the sore or grievance. They shrink from the difficulty of attempting to govern without patronage to support them, whereas, it appears to me, that in proportion as patronage formerly gave power, it will *now *(or *very soon *will), totally destroy it. Now, if we cannot get men of high character and independence to carry on the necessary reforms, we shall, in a certain time, perhaps very soon, find some *gentlemen *who will be less scrupulous, and who will not hesitate to pull the old building about our ears.

When I began I did not mean to dissert upon politics - I only meant to engage you to come here. I will now leave you, and when you come we will resume the subject. but I will not leave you so long in error upon one point of your letter. You express a wish to see me in my place in parliament, and taking an active part.

First, I sadly fear my health will not permit it; but next, if it did, I do assure you I am wholly unequal to what you propose. Nothing is to be done in this country without a certain share of oratory - I have not a grain of it - I have no facility of expressing myself - the thing does not come naturally to me. When I have been forced to utter, it has always been in misery and in distrust of myself, and that will not do - I am too old to mend.

No! - my best chance is gone by. When amongst you all in Ireland, I felt at home, and, as if I might be useful; bat you may be assured that I cannot be so in the House of Lords.

Pray let me hear that you decide upon coming here; and believe me, my dear Lord, very truly yours,

Anglesey.” *

The Marquis of Anglesey to Lord Cloncurry.*

Uxbridge House, November 7th, 1830.

“My dear Lord Cloncurry - Here I am in fine hot water. The Grangegorman petition is entrusted to me, with a request that I would advocate the Repeal of the Union; and by the same post I get a letter from the secretary of the *Leinster *meeting, desiring me to make known my sentiments upon the question, which would have *an overpowering *influence over the minds of all classes, &c. &c. &c. A pleasant dilemma this!!!

Well, after having well weighed everything-after having read over and over again all *your *letters upon the subject - after having (contrary to *usual *practice) solicited the opinions of those who I thought were most likely to he adverse to *my *bias, I made up my mind, and have by this post written an answer to Mr. Kertland, chairman, in which I make known my opinion upon the question; and in answer to Mr. Murphy, secretary to the Duke of Leinster’s meeting, I shall send a copy of that letter; and thus my opinion, humble as it is, will be known all over Ireland, and *Dien scait ce qui en arrivera. *Whatever that may be, I shall have the consolation of feeling that I have given an honest and a very deliberate opinion; and if I could by it make any impression upon you, I should be superlatively happy, for there is no man in Ireland on whose opinion I set so high a value.

I have talked it all over with Holland; and you don’t know how anxious he is that you should discourage any agitation of the question. So is Lord Grey.

I should like you to see the correspondence, but I really have not time to copy it.

I dare say you could get it from Mr. Kertland, and probably from Mahony, to whom I write what I have done.

My dear boy is going on famously. I am very tottering.

The ministers are *done. *It is impossible they can stand.

I am pressing hard for a good, sound, liberal reform, and have persuaded many; and if we can get a good, honest, and liberal government, we must try to do better for Ireland than in allowing her to separate from us. Let me hear much and often from you. With best regards to Lady Cloncurry,

Very truly yours,

Anglesey.

P.S. - The ministers have decided that the King shall *not *go to the Lord Mayor’s dinner: If that does not dish them, I do not know what will. They *must *go!

Do see Mahony and my letter instantly.” *

The Marquis of Anglesey to Lord Cloncurry.*

November 13th, 1830.

“My dear Lord Cloncurry - I enclose what I said last night. It is only worth recording inasmuch as it will show that I am alive to all Irish interests, and I do not think it will come amiss, after my anti-Union (or rather my anti-anti-Union) letter. Perhaps you will have the goodness to get it put in the papers amongst the parliamentary reports, lest a bad version should creep in. So pray take the trouble (if you approve) to send it without loss of a day.

More from me in a day or two. I suspect the Duke is not beat yet. Truly yours, A.

I am in such haste that I have not time to read over.” *

The Marquis of Anglesey to Lord Cloncurry.*

Uxbridge House, November 18th, 1830.

“My dear Lord Cloncurry - I know you will be glad to hear that I return to you. I would have written it two days ago, but was afraid of the Post-office, and did not like to have the report prematurely propagated.

I have been disappointed in not having heard your opinion of my letter to the Repeal petitioners, and also of what I said and sent to you for publication (if you approved) of the speech respecting the Kildare-place Society. Alas! I am nervous about Ireland, for I know you will expect more than man can do; but whatever zeal and truth can effect, you shall have from me. I have little more to give.

Truly yours,

Anglesey.” *

The Marquis of Anglesey to Lord Cloncurry.*

Uxbridge House, November 27th, 1830.

“My dear Lord Cloncurry - Many thanks for your several letters. The die is cast, and I am to resume my post amongst you. I know you regret it on my own account, and so must every true friend of mine; but, called upon as I was, I could not bring myself to shrink from difficulty in time of need; and I shall buckle to with all my zeal, but, alas! with a very moderate share of health.

I see the *Freeman *and some others have already begun upon me. When they criticise *facts *it is fair enough, and I never complain; but they ought not to put forth falsehoods, and then argue upon them as facts.

I am said to have made a point of retaining D--- that is false; I had nothing to do with it. I was merely asked if I had any objection to his retaining his office. I said, ” None.” I am stated to have recommended M--- to replace G---: that, too, is false. I stipulated that G--- should go; but I shall appoint a very different man from M--- as G---‘s successor.

But there is no use in enlarging upon these facts, and in complaining of misrepresentations. I shall steadily go on upon my old plan of hearing all parties, and being the tool of none. I shall do what I conscientiously believe to be best for the country, and leave the event and the issue to the Supreme Disposer of all things. With all these threatenings I nevertheless do not totally despair of controlling the angry spirits, and even the *arch *spirit; for the entertaining of which hope I am thought very weak.

You are so kind as to ask how I shall like to make my entry. I will tell you how, health permitting, I mean to dispose of myself; and I must leave the rest to the good people amongst whom I am going. I intend to land at Kingstown, and, as is usual with me whenever I am able, to mount my horse; but this must depend upon health and weather. I would not for the world have anything got up, as it is termed, for me. Those who will be glad to see me will, probably, come and tell me so. Those whom I do not suit will stay away, or being present, will mark their displeasure. I shall delight in the one; I shall bear with patience the other. I go with but one object - the good of Ireland.

I am not sanguine of success, because she appears to be still destined to be torn to pieces by factions (and there appears to me to be now one more than I left); but still I do not quite despair, for if I meet with fair play if the conduct of the ill-disposed does not force forward measures of rigour-there is a growing spirit amongst public men to set a higher value upon Ireland than has been heretofore shown, and a determination on my part, on the part of the new Secretary (as, indeed, there was on the part of the late one), and also on that part of the government which is connected with the affairs of Ireland, to attend to her interests, and not to allow, year after year, the recommendations of the several Committees to lie on the shelves as a dead letter.

I meant to write a short letter. Here I am in my third sheet. I will only add, that I shall often suck your brain, although I feel it will be quite impossible ever to realise the delightful results contemplated by your sanguine mind. My first anxiety is to tranquillise the *old ascendancy. *They must never rule again; but they shall never be insulted by me. I am sure you know and approve my intentions, so it is needless to amplify.

Truly yours,

Anglesey.” *

The Marquis of Anglesey to Lord Cloncurry.*

(Private.)

Uxbridge House, December 8th, 1830.

“My dear Lord Cloncurry - There is, I trust, nothing in the law arrangements that will not give you satisfaction, excepting only the retirement of our dear and excellent friend Hart. It grieves me to lose him. I have a sincere regard (I can well call it affection) for him. I never knew a more upright, single-hearted man. I know how much you will regret him; but circumstances made it very desirable to accomplish the distribution of parts that has been made.

I had intended to be with you by the 20th or the 23rd; but I now almost doubt if I shall not delay my appearance until the 1st of January. What think you of my being ushered in by the new year, when we will turn over a new leaf? Have you a choice? Give me a line by return of post, to say how all is going on. My ladies appear determined to precede me by a day or two. I tell them they may be disappointed, but they seem inclined to take their chance. Tell me what you think of the new appointments. I wrote yesterday to G--- to announce his fate. With best regards to Lady Cloncurry, be]ieve me,

Very truly yours,

Anglesey.” *

The Marquis of Anglesey to Lord Cloncurry.*

Uxbridge Home, December 15th, 1830.

“My dear Lord Cloncurry - I mean to be at Beaudesert during Saturday and Sunday. On Monday, the 20th, I sleep at Krenioge; on Tuesday, at Holyhead; on Wednesday, I cross and sleep on board the yacht at Kingstown; and on Thursday the 23rd, I proceed to Dublin.

O’Connell is my *avant courier. *He starts to-day with more mischief in hand than I have yet seen him charged with. I saw him yesterday for an hour and a-half. I made no impression upon him whatever; and I am now thoroughly convinced that he is bent upon desperate agitation. All this will produce no change in my course and conduct.

For the love of Ireland I deprecate agitation. I know it is the only thing that can prevent her from prospering; for there is in this country a growing spirit to take Ireland by the hand, and a determination not to neglect her and her interests; therefore I pray for peace and repose. But if the sword is really to be drawn, and with it the scabbard is to be thrown away - if I, who have suffered so much for her, am to become a suspected character, and to be treated as an enemy - if; for the protection of the State, I am driven to the dire necessity of again turning soldier, why then I must endeavour to get back into old habits, and live amongst a people I love in a state of misery and distress.

My course is decided upon. I shall land, and proceed exactly in the way I did upon a former occasion.

Your offer about Maretimo is most kind; hut I have discouraged my daughters from preceding me, and they will probably not reach Dublin until the following week. Best regards to Lady Cloncurry, and

Very truly yours, in much haste,

Anglesey.” *

The Marquis of Anglesey to Lord Cloncurry.*

Beaudesert, Dec. 19th, 1830.

“My dear Lord Cloncurry - Many thanks for your friendly letter. I am perfectly prepared for the worst that may happen, and shall present myself amongst you in all the consciousness of not *deserving *unkindness, whatever may be my lot; for if ever there was a sacrifice made for the benevolent intention of conferring a public benefit, I am making such a sacrifice. It seems, however, that I have miscalculated my means, and consequently the public, as well as myself; must suffer for the indiscretion. But there is no use in running on thus. It seems that I have “set my life upon a cast, and I must stand the hazard of the die!” This is not obstinacy; it is a fatality. The thing was inevitable, believe me.

I have had various kind and even affectionate letters, warning me of what I may expect, and suggesting to me the landing where I am not expected, and proceeding quietly and secretly to Dublin. They might just as well propose to me to consent to mount a balloon, for the purpose of seeking the moon! No! no! I will land at Kingstown, and will proceed unostentatiously to the Castle. Had there been the sort of reception decided upon, that you expected only a few days ago, I should of course have mounted my horse at Ball’s Bridge, and have endeavoured to show the most marked sensations of gratitude and of high sensibility for a people who loved me. As public opinion has taken another course, I must adapt my conduct to the altered circumstances. If (as I imagine is the practice) any of the authorities - the Privy Council, for instance - are to meet me, they will get into my carriage, and we shall proceed together in the old *jog-trot *way.

What I insist upon is this (and I charge you, my dear Lord, very particularly upon the subject) - let no friend of mine come forward, and mix himself up with my *unpopularity *(what a term for *me *to make use of amongst Irishmen!!!) Let me alone. I shall like to meet their hostile ebullitions alone and unattended. Even my curiosity is excited. I am anxious to see the thing. It will be curious enough to contrast the first days of 1829 with the last days of 1830 - and the whole change of sentiment to be upon the *plea *of a solitary law appointment! Amazing! Yet such is human nature.

But I have done. In three words you will understand me. My particular desire is, neither to attract notice, nor to avoid it; and most particularly, that not one single friend shall put himself forward to share with me the fortunes of the day; and, therefore, my dear good Lord, stay at home, and you shall hear that I am not less patient and enduring with a hostile and *deluded *people, than I am feelingly alive to the cheers of an affectionate one.

Ever yours,

Anglesey.” *

William Murphy, Esq., to Lord Cloncurry.*

Mount-Merrion, Wednesday Evening, 22nd December.

“My dear Lord - Knowing how very anxious your Lordship and Lady Cloncurry are about the reception your friend Lord Anglesey may meet with tomorrow, I am rejoiced to tell your Lordship that there will be a most numerous and highly respectable attendance of citizens in Kingstown on the occasion, such as to afford the highest gratification to the Marquis. I have given up my entire attention to this affair since I went to town, though I could not have met O’Connell. I have the honour to be, most respectfully,

Your Lordship’s most obedient and humble servant,

Wm. Murphy.” *

The Hon. G. Villiers (Earl of Clarendon) to Lord Cloncurry.*

(The commencement of this letter has been lost.)

” … converted into party purposes by a certain set that I could almost regret any triumphal entry for Lord A. There are many people, for many causes, who would be interested in misusing such an occasion.

The present Government has I am certain better and more honest intentions than *any we *have ever seen; but this is an awful moment-a trial of strength between those who have something and those who have nothing; anti I should like to see the government wrap themselves up in their integrity, and assume a high tone. Last night I thought damaging to them in the House of Commons. The fault-finders were numerous, noisy, and, upon the whole, victorious. We have a murky horizon, and I don’t exactly see the point from which the blue sky *proposes to itself *to break.

Should you, after Lord A.’s arrival, have five minutes to throw away upon me, I should be very thankful. May I beg my best remembrances to Lady Cloncurry, and that you will always believe me,

Most faithfully and sincerely yours,

George Villiers.”

Notwithstanding the threatening indications disclosed in the foregoing communications, the reception actually given to Lord Anglesey was far from being so unworthy of his merits, or so disgraceful to the people, as the fears of the best friends of the latter led them to anticipate. Mr. O’Connell kept out of the way; but a numerous and respectable assemblage of citizens accompanied his Excellency from Kingstown to Dublin Castle; and I need scarcely say that I did not feel bound to follow the generous advice pressed upon me in one of the letters above cited, that I should keep out of harm’s way, by avoiding a public expression of my respect and sympathy for my noble friend. Lord Howth and I rode at the head of the procession. The crowd confined the expression of the mischief with which they had been charged to a few groans for “Dirty Doherty,” whose promotion to the chief scat in the Court of Common Pleas was the alleged offence of Lord Anglesey.

The three years that followed Lord Anglesey’s return to Ireland, though full of excitement and action, were to me the most unhappy I had passed since my release from the Tower. I have already mentioned the terms of confidence upon which his Excellency admitted me to his friendship during his first viceroyalty. These were again re-established between us; and in the new position of antagonism to the demagogues, and, through their contrivance, apparently to the people, in which he was now placed, my situation was rendered anything but pleasant. Every party was at war with me; and a large party engaged in operations equally opposed to my comfort, by pressing me to exercise in their favour the influence which they thought I possessed. The assaults of my old foes, the Protestant-ascendancy men, I could easily forgive ; indeed, they were infinitely less virulent than the attacks of the patriots, and a vast deal more agreeable than the solicitations of the placehunters. These two latter classes began by expecting impossibilities, and the first of them ended by adopting a course which rendered possibilities impracticable. The whole three joined in actively, and but too often successfully, counteracting efforts (in which I was the humble assistant of the Lord Lieutenant) made to relieve his Excellency from the restrictions imposed upon him, not less by the cabinet with which he was acting, than by the officials (co-ordinate and subordinate) of his own administration.

It was scarcely a week after the arrival of Lord Anglesey when Mr. O’Connell opened the campaign. A meeting of the trades of Dublin had been arranged to assemble at Phibsborough, on the 27th of December, and to march in procession through the city, to the house of Mr. O’Connell, in Merrion-square, there to present him with an address of thanks for his advocacy of the Repeal of the Union. Sworn informations were laid before the Lord Lieutenant, to the effect that serious disturbances were likely to be occasioned by this proceeding, and accordingly, on Christmas Day (two days after his Excellency’s landing) a proclamation, forbidding the meeting and procession, was issued, under the authority of the recently-passed “Act for the Suppression of Dangerous Associations or Assemblies.” The meeting was thereupon countermanded by Mr. O’Connell, multum gemens; but it was at the same time determined to put a test to me which it was hoped would have had the effect of forcing rue into the desired premature collision with the government.

On the 4th of January, 1831, a deputation of three persons, appointed by Mr. O’Connell for the purpose, waited formally upon me, to “inquire whether I would preside over a meeting of Irishmen to petition for the Repeal of the Union.” My sentiments on the subject of the Union were well known to all my fellow-citizens and to the Lord Lieutenant not less than to them: they were, as they are now, entirely in favour of a legislative separation between the two kingdoms; but while I firmly held that opinion, I was at the same time fully satisfied of the honesty of Lord Anglesey’s intentions, and of his sincere desire to bring forward comprehensive measures for the advancement of the interests of Ireland.

I am free to confess that I then doubted upon a point in reference to which I am now convinced. I doubted, in 1831, that it would be possible to restore self-confidence to the Irish people, without throwing them upon their own resources for government and for social improvement; and I knew that without self-confidence a nation can neither be free nor prosperous. I am now, in 1849, convinced that neither peace nor prosperity can ever exist in Ireland so long as she, being a nation physically and morally separate, and incapable, in the nature of things, of amalgamation with any other, shall continue in degrading submission to the blows, and in still more degrading acceptance of the alms, of England.

But the nearer my own doubts approached to convictions, the more anxious was I that the candid mind of Lord Anglesey should be permitted to investigate the whole case of the two kingdoms, undisturbed and in that spirit of kindness and friendship towards Ireland which I knew influenced it. I therefore replied to the ambassadors of Mr. O’Connell that I regretted not having been at home when they called upon me, in order that I might have had an opportunity of fully explaining my reasons for declining to comply with their request; that I did not think “I should act fairly by my Sovereign, his ministers, and, above all, by my country, if I did not adhere to my determination, already expressed, of hearing patiently and respectfully the intentions of Government towards this country and their proposed plans for our relief, in this their first parliament, before doing anything to add to the embarrassment and difficulty of their situation - an embarrassment not of their own creation, but brought on by others, to whom they have hitherto been in uniform opposition. This opinion,” I continued, “has been confirmed by communication with the excellent, steady, well-informed, thinking patriots, with whom I have been so long in the habit of acting and consulting, and by a desire neither to be deceived, nor to be inconsistent or unreasonable.”

Those who knew Mr. O’Connell, and recollect what, a creature of impulse he was - how impatiently he bore with any difference from his opinions, and what a storm was the first burst of his wrath, will not wonder at what followed. Three very long letters were immediately issued, specially devoted to the business of vituperating me; but with ample digressions maledictory of Lord Anglesey. I was “a renegade,” “an aristocrat born and bred,” “a thinking patriot;” it was a matter of doubt whether my heart was “of stone or a human heart,” and, worse than all I was the friend of “Algerine Anglesey;” who, in the meantime, was thinking of those effusions in the spirit indicated in the following note:-

The Marquis of Anglesey to Lord Cloncurry.

Castle, January 15th 1831.

“My dear Lord - Do tell me if you think the enclosed may be advantageous; it strikes me that it will. If you encourage me, I would be patron and subscriber- say £100; would that be enough? Do pray let me have some talk with you before you answer O’Connell. I have read the second letter. I think you might settle the question at once, and so completely allay the public agitation, without deviating from your former opinions (which were only contingent), that you might save OUR country.

Always truly yours,

Anglesey.

Pray return the enclosures directly.”

A few days afterwards, however, the fever was brought to a crisis by the arrest of Mr. O’Connell and his agitation staff, after a brisk pursuit through a labyrinth of ingenious devices whereby he sought to evade the law, in the course of which it was found necessary to discharge five or six proclamations against him. The chase must have been an exciting one to those engaged in it, and would have been amusing to by-standers, did it not assume a character of ludicrous absurdity in the eyes of the world, that rendered it impossible for an Irishman who loved his country, to look upon it without sorrow and humiliation. To-day Mr. O’Connell’s audience and claqueurs were termed ” The Society of the Friends of Ireland of all Religions Persuasions,” to-morrow they were ” The General Association of Ireland for the Prevention of Unlawful Meetings, and for the Protection and Exercise of the Sacred Right of Petitioning for the Redress of Grievances.” Then, again, they were a nameless “Body of Persons in the Habit of Meeting Weekly at a place called Home’s Hotel;” and as the hunt continued, they successively escaped from each daily proclamation, under the changing appellations of “The Irish Society for Legal and Legislative Relief; or, the Anti-Union Association,” “The Association of Irish Volunteers for the Repeal of the Union,” “The Subscribers to the Parliamentary Intelligence Office, Stephen-street,” until, finally, they were fairly run down at a breakfast-party in Hayes’ hotel.

In the *meleé, *the last blow was given to a really useful ” Society for the Improvement of Ireland,” which, however, the fatal patronage of Mr. O’Connell had some time previously brought into a dying condition. It had been working beneficially for the physical amelioration of the country and people, under the guidance of some of the best men in the country; but as soon as it began to assume the appearance of influence and prosperity, Mr. O’Connell came in with a tail of followers to endeavour to turn it to his purpose of political agitation, and it was finally broken up in the beginning of the year 1831.

The collision to which I have just referred, produced a personal estrangement between Mr. O’Connell and myself which continued for three or four years. It did not, however, prevent the occurrence of a warm altercation between the Attorney-General (now Chief Justice) Blackburne, and me, upon his account. When he was brought to trial under the Proclamation (or, as he called it, the Algerine) Act, he pleaded guilty; but the term at which, in the ordinary course, he should have been brought up for judgment did not arrive until within a month or two of the expiration of the statute, and then I strongly urged upon Lord Anglesey the prudence of allowing him to escape, as the nominal infliction of a punishment which could only endure for a few weeks, would only have the appearance of impotent malice; and while it might have created dangerous popular excitement, would but have added to his exasperation, and have given him a triumph upon the event of his liberation that must so speedily follow. Mr. Blackburne thought differently, and the dispute ran so high that Lord Anglesey thought it necessary to pledge both of us to proceed no farther in the matter. I am not aware that this circumstance ever came to Mr. O’Connell’s knowledge.

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