The Grey Ministry. Wellington Dictatorship.

Chapter XVIII.

1834-46.

Abandonment of Lord Anglesey’s Policy - Statesmanship on the Whig Model - Its results in the Demoralization of the People - Testimony to this Truth; of Dr. Doyle, of Mr. Lambert - Persistence in the same Policy - Political Quietism - Letter from Lord Holland - Break up of the Grey Ministry - Wellington Dictatorship - Reheating of the Whig Mess, with the Old Condiments -Letters from Lord Holland, from Lord Durham - Working of the Normanby Government.

The period of the determination of Lord Anglesey’s administration of the Irish government was the beginning of an era over which the recollections of a lover of Ireland cannot be extended without exciting in his mind feelings of sorrow and humiliation. With it ended the only attempt at an impartial rule in Ireland, and with it began the endeavour to establish the provincialisation of the country, through the agency of the vilest instruments ever employed by one nation to enslave and degrade another placed by adverse circumstances under her sway. For 29 years the country had been held for England, through the instrumentality of an English garrison composed of a section of the people and backed by English bayonets. From the Union up to the year 1829 the Tory type of British colonial government was the order of the day. The Protestants were upheld as a superior caste, and paid in power and official emoluments for their services in the army of occupation.

During the second viceroyalty of Lord Anglesey, the effort was made by him to evoke the energies of the whole nation for its own regeneration. That effort was defeated by the conjoint influence of the cowardice of the English cabinet, the petulance of Mr. Stanley, and the unseasonable violence and selfishness of the lately-emancipated popular leaders. Upon Lord Anglesey’s recall, the modern Whig model of statesmanship was set up and followed; popular grievances were suffered to remain unredressed; the discontent and violence engendered by those grievances were used from time to time for party purposes; the people were hung and bayonetted when their roused passions exceeded the due measure of factious requirement; and the State patronage was employed to stimulate and to reward a staff of demagogues by whom the masses were alternately excited to madness, and betrayed, according to the necessities of the English factions.

When Russells and Greys were out or in danger, there was free promise of equal laws and privileges and franchises for oppressed Ireland; the minister expectant, or trembling for his place, spoke loudly of justice and compensation, of fraternity and freedom. To these key-notes the place-hunting demagogue pitched his brawling. His talk was of pike-making and sword-fleshing and monster-marching. The simple people were goaded into a madness, the end whereof was for them suspension of the *Habeas Corpus *Act, the hulks, and the gallows; for their stimulators, silk gowns, commissionerships and seats on the bench.

Under this treatment, the public mind became debauched The lower classes, forced to bear the charges of agitation, as well as to suffer its penalties, lost all faith in their social future; they saw not, and looked not beyond the momentary excitement of a procession or a monster meeting. As time went on, those who led and robbed them felt the necessity of meeting the apathy attendant upon their increasing demoralisation, by the use of more pungent stimulants. They could no longer trust for topics of agitation to a recapitulation of real grievances, which might be redressed, but in the removal of which would be involved the drying up of the springs of the agitators’ influence.

To hold out hopes of the establishment of civil and religious equality, of the attainment of complete freedom of industry, or even of local self-government, no longer sufficed to rouse the passions of the mob, or to bring money into the exchequer of the demagogues. It therefore followed, that the staple talk of the popular meetings came to be made up of appeals to the basest passions of the multitude; old feuds between Irishmen were revived; a new appetite for vengeance was whetted; nay, even the bonds of society were loosened by intimations not obscure that a triumph of the people would be associated with an abatement of the sacredness of property. The emptiness of this noise was in a direct ratio with its loudness. Yet it fulfilled its purpose of frightening the Tories out of office, or of deterring them from accepting it; and the talkers were accordingly every now and then rewarded and silenced by scraps from the refuse of official patronage.

It must be obvious that this state of things could not have existed had a middle class exercised a proper and natural influence upon the public mind. There was, however, practically no such class in a position to interfere. Many of those who should have belonged to it were clamorous place-beggars, in the ranks of the agitators. Those who were not sunk into that abyss of degradation, were restrained by their fears from taking any part in public affairs. They were, upon the one hand, afraid of contributing to a restoration of the power of their ancient oppressors; and upon the other, distrustful of those pretended friends whose selfish motives they could not but perceive through the thin disguise of their assumed patriotism.

How heavily this condition of the country weighed upon the spirits of those who knew her best, and loved her most, appears in the following letter from Dr. Doyle, while that which succeeds it from the able pen of Mr. Lambert, then member for Wexford, contains no bad sketch of the Whig policy and practice of the day:- *

The Right Rev. Bishop Doyle to Lord Cloncurry.*

Carlow, March 3rd, 1834.

“My dear Lord - I am greatly obliged to your Lordship for the letter with which you lately honoured me, and the draft of bill which Mr. R. Cassidy had, by your Lordship’s direction, forwarded to me some day last week.

I had partially recovered from a long illness, but have again relapsed into such a state of debility as to be incapable of applying my mind to any subject requiring attention. Should it please God that I would again be enabled to attend to business, I will derive great gratification from the study of your Lordship’s work, which, if I would judge of by the preamble, is worth 50 volumes of what is every year spoken or written about Ireland.

Perhaps it is in part owing to the state of my health that my hopes of the improvement of our country are weakened. I thought there was more intelligence and virtue among the middle classes of our people than there now appears to me to be. Their conduct at the period of the last general election, and since, in suffering themselves to be deceived, and then bestrode by the basest tyranny that ever established itself for any length of time in these latter ages, compels me, God knows how reluctantly, to doubt whether there be sufficient soundness in the community to render it capable of profiting by any liberal system of legislation.

As to the lowest classes of the people, their demoralisation is extreme, and they thirst for disorder. I am very much of opinion that if there be a chance remaining of yet rescuing the country from the evil genius which troubles and torments it, and of placing the people within the fold of the law and constitution, a measure large and comprehensive, such as your Lordship’s professes to be, would be most likely to attain those ends. I have the honour to be, my dear Lord,

Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble servant,

J. Doyle.” *

H. Lambert, Esq., M.P., to Lord Cloncurry.*

8, St. James’s-place, 3rd June, 1834.

My dear Lord - I have received your letter, and I hope need not assure you how willingly I would attend to any recommendation of your Lordship’s, if I had any power whatever of promoting the accomplishment of your wishes.

In common with many others, you seem to think, my dear Lord, that having stood in the front ranks in defence of his Majesty’s government, having dismissed every selfish apprehension of danger and consideration of prudence, when their battle was to be fought, in the House or out of it, I might be supposed to possess some influence with those distinguished persons. Quite the reverse. If you want to carry any point with government, apply to Mr. O’Connell for his interest; it will not fail. It is actually *rutting *season with that great character and our illustrious rulers. A superb “juste milieu” Cabinet, with subordinates of similar talents and propensities, is in progress of formation. I rather suspect it will not last long. I stated last night my belief that dissension did still exist among the remains of the Cabinet. This was angrily denied; but we shall see, when the moment for any positive proposition or practical measure shall arrive. Ellice is the only man of energy among them; and I have reason to think that he joined the Cabinet merely to avoid its total break up, which would have ensued had he declined. No other appointment has been made, except, perhaps, that of Lord Auckland to the Admiralty, *in the place of Sir J. G.!!! *Many have been offered and refused; some from the certainty of not being re-elected; others, as in the case of M. O’F--- from a difficulty of comprehending the precise politics of the new Cabinet. There are reports, *I cannot say if correct, *that Lord Brougham has acted a very strange part in the late Cabinet dissensions. There can be no doubt that intrigues of all sorts were at work, and I should think successfully, to exclude anything like talent or energy from the new administration. So we are to jog on in the *juste milieu *until the next explosion.

I had a few lines from Blake lately, but so extremely guarded and diplomatically laconic, that I have not felt it necessary to write to him on these late events, not knowing exactly the political shade of his opinions.

1 had a letter also from General Cockburn relative to the tithe bill. Will you pardon my requesting you, if you see the General, to thank him from me, and assure him I shall attend to his proposition. Believe me, my dear Lord,

Most faithfully yours,

H. Lambert.

P.S. - Report says Lord G. is heartily sick of all this, and longs for retirement. The means employed to obtain the majority for the *“previous question” *last night were the threatened resignation of Lord Althorpe, and the collision with your noble House. Some hints about Tories coming in, made up the sum of the *statesmanlike *arguments advanced. The present Cabinet arrangements are said to be exclusively Lord Althorpe’s. Imagine that a *dissolution *of Parliament was among the menaces of yesterday.”

It would be impossible to find witnesses more competent than the writers of these letters to speak to the condition of Irish affairs in 1834, and few whose testimony, in the line in which it runs, it would be more difficult to discredit. There was, I believe, no Irishman imbued with deeper feelings of nationality than Bishop Doyle, or who was more painfully sensible of the bitterness of being obliged by his own sense of truth and honour to admit the fact of the moral degradation of his fellow-countrymen.

On the other hand, there was no Irish Whig more jealous of the character of his party than Mr. Lambert, or who was more desirous to carry out its principles in the administration of Irish affairs in such a manner as should sink the individual nationality of Ireland, and make her a great limb of the English Whig body. Surely, then, it is lamentable to find one of these men ” doubting whether there was sufficient soundness in the community to render it capable of profiting by any liberal system;” and the other admitting with regret that the whole statesmanship of the English party rulers of Ireland with whom he was associated was limited to a truckling subserviency to Mr. O’Connell.

Still more lamentable is it to know, that after the lapse of 15 years, there is still in the community the same unsoundness, and in the ruling faction the same deficiency of manly conduct and far-seeing statesmanship. At this very moment, the “intelligence and virtue among the middle classes of our people” has succumbed under the tyranny of demagogues, who, with liberty upon their tongues, have successfully called upon a starving and oppressed nation to contribute money to aid in the replacement of the yoke of despotism upon the necks of the people of another land. While I write, the lineal successors of the *juste milieu *Whigs of 1834 know of nothing better that can be done for the relief of a prostrated country, than to provide the means of buying more village agitators and members of Parliament by stopping a hole in a demoralising and corrupting, but place-making poor-law, with a sixpenny rate-in-aid patch.

How deeply the best and wisest of the ministers of the former period suffered themselves to settle down into political quietism, is shown in parts of the following letter:- *

Lord Holland to Lord Cloncurry.*

17th June, 1834.

“My dear Lord-I shall have pleasure in taking your proxy, and giving it, as you would give your vote, in favour of justice for Jews as well as Gentiles. On the proxy question, if I am present, I am afraid I cannot give it, as I should vote against Grosvenor’s motion. It is much better for the country and for themselves, that their Lordships’ attendance should not be numerous and constant.

Indeed I do not damn Irish business, but do my best to bless it, and make it advantageous to him that gives and him that receives. But is it possible for government or legislature to acknowledge that they cannot enforce the law, and simply to enact that what men are by law entitled to they shall not receive, because those from whom it is due will not pay it? The Church lands have been turned to some account towards the purpose you mention, and may be converted to yet more; but yet I cannot take the sanguine view you do of that subject, and imagine that *all *could be defrayed from thence, even without injury, much less without difficulty or offence, to any body. The other plans you suggest for the employment of the people and the cultivation of lands, may be, and, I dare say, are good; but I think you expect from them, and from the legislature, more than laws or legislators can confer. The province of government is to place their subjects in a state of liberty and law, in which it becomes their interest and inclination to employ themselves, and to improve the country; but I have little confidence, I own, in the efficacy of undertakings for such purposes at the public expense, and where the State, not individuals, are the adventurers.

I concur with you much more cordially about the act of amnesty, though, I suppose, Melbourne is right in thinking a general act inexpedient, and the whole attainable by individual applications. I will not lay down my pen without writing to him to urge Major Weir’s case.

It delights me, both for private and public reasons, that you think of coming over for the Irish questions. I infer from it that your health is improved; and I hope that you will assist us in whatever may require correction in our bills.

Believe me, truly yours,

Vassall Holland.

P. S. - Sorry I am to say that my last accounts from Lord Anglesey were very distressing; and I am afraid his physician, who was to return this month, will disappoint him.”

The brief period of Lord Wellesley’s second vice-royalty was passed through, by both ministers and people, in the manner indicated in Dr Doyle’s and Mr. Lambert’s letters. The “rutting season” (to use the expressive phrase of the latter writer) between our rulers and the leader of the people, was attended with much noise and fury on the one side, and shabby, paltering, vain yielding on the other. The Collision between Mr. Littleton and Mr. O’Connell, in which the former himself established his own folly, and was shown by the latter to labour under the infirmity of a treacherous memory, took place towards the close of the session of parliament; and, a few weeks afterwards, the death of Earl Spencer broke up the ministry, then thoroughly disgraced, and placed the Duke of Wellington in the position of dictator.

The act of the assumption of that position was characterised by the Duke himself, in an anticipatory judgment, as one of insanity. The fit, however, did not last long, and it resulted, in a few months, in a re-heating of the old Whig mess, in the fashion here set forth:- *

Lord Holland to Lord Cloncurry.*

14th April.

“A thousand thanks, my dear Lord, for your letter, enclosure, and suggestions: the latter shall go directly to Lord Melbourne and the Lord Lieutenant, whoever he be. Whether Lord Wellesley returns, or a new appointment takes place, is not, I presume, yet settled, or if so, I have not heard. But whatever the appointment may be, it will, I trust, be on the principles and with the views you describe. You have certainly been quite right in your predictions. Had what we now must do been done in time, it would, no doubt have been better; but, on the other hand, to do a thing well, or indeed to complete it at all, one must adapt one’s efforts to one’s means. Lord Melbourne was, on Sunday last (after a joint, earnest but fruitless endeavour of his late colleagues and the King to prevail on Lord Grey to resume office), authorised to form a ministry, and has been ever since, and is now, occupied in making those arrangements. With one painful exception, which occasioned in a great measure by public feeling, just or unjust, must be pretty well known to that public, I do not think that he will have to encounter more difficulties or annoyances than usually attend the appointment of some, and the disappointment of others, in such an operation.

By some clumsy accident, Melbourne’s name was not mentioned in either House last night; but if any Lord is Curious enough to ask, he will this evening tell him that he is forming a ministry, and has every prospect of completing his task shortly. Tell Leinster this. I am, in hurry,

Yours,

Vassall Holland.” *

Lord Holland to Lord Cloncurry.*

South-street 18th April.

Dear Lord Cloncurry~I save the post; and though, I doubt not, the evening papers will tell you all more fully and correctly than I can, send you our list:

Melbourne First Lord

Lansdowne President of Council

Duncannon Privy Seal and Woods and Forests

Palmerston, F

Grant, with Peerage, C.

Lord J. Russell, H Secretaries of State.

Hobhouse B. of Control.

Auckland, Admiralty.

Poulett Thompson. B. of Trade and Cabinet

Holland Duchy

Spring Rice Exchequer

Howick Secretary of War.

  Ireland

Mulgrave Lord Lieutenant.

Morpeth Secretary; if he can vacate.

All, except the last, were announced by the King in Council to-day, and have actually or virtually kissed hands. Of the other appointments I am rather imperfectly informed; and till they have kissed hands, been gazetted, or had their writs moved, alterations may occur. I hope, but I *do not know, *that Wellesley will be Chamberlain. Nothing is said, nor I think done, about Horse Guards; but I hope if ever anything is, Anglesey will be at hand to counsel and assist. Kempt refused, and, I believe, Sir John Byng has taken, the Ordnance. He did not kiss hands.

Yours,

Vassall Holland.

This, if not in the papers, is for Leinster as well as you. The *Times *will oppose, if it be only for spite, every man John, as well as John himself; in the elections.”

Here was a fair opportunity for retrieving former blunders, and making up for past shortcomings; but it might as well not have been offered. The Whigs pottered on in their old way, and still dealt with Ireland in the spirit which one who knew them well would seem to have expected *

The Earl of Durham to Lord Cloncurry.*

Lambton Castle, April 15, 1835.

“My dear Lord - I feel greatly obliged to you for your communication. The state of Ireland is a disgrace to the age. Whether the new ministry will have inclination or power to apply a remedy, I know not. If they make the attempt, they shall have my warmest support.

Yours truly,

Durham.”

It was in the fashion to which I have alluded that the administration of Ireland, during the viceroyalty of Lord Normanby, was carried on. The Marquis, no less than his secretary, Lord Morpeth, was filled with the best intentions. He was desirous, I am convinced, of acting liberally and impartially; but the ancient curse of the country intervened and rendered both liberality and impartiality impossible. Immediately upon Lord Normanby’s arrival, war was proclaimed against him by the entire of the Protestant party; while he simultaneously received a still more fatal support from the rabble of place-hunters.

The policy of his government, accordingly, became a mere affair of place-giving. When a demagogue became particularly violent, he was cooled down by the gift of an office in the courts of justice, or a commissionership, it mattered not in what line, so as a suitable salary was attached. Again, when a vigorous rally was made by the old Church and State party, and there was a lull in the more popular agitation, a sop would be thrown in the opposite direction, by placing a mitre upon the head of some stanch opponent of National Education.

Meanwhile, little was done to advance the general interests of the people. Their enlarged franchises, parliamentary or municipal, opened for them no new channels of industry. They were left still trusting in the potato for their daily subsistence, and fighting, like wild beasts, over the soil that to them supplied all the necessaries of life, through the sole means of that single, ill-economised root. In vain for them was the most fertile land in Europe ready to teem with various fruits; in vain their coasts swarmed with living food; in vain the sea that washed those coasts invited the commerce of two worlds. The victims of that disorganisation of society, some of the causes of which I have endeavoured to indicate, they vegetated on in an apathetic quiet; or, when starving amid the plenty that surrounded them, they gave expression to their misery in violence, they were quieted by the rope or the bayonet, or caged in the union poorhouses, until pestilence put a period to their season of troubling, and set their weariness at rest.

Lord Normanby was succeeded by Lord Fortescue, Lord Fortescue by Lord De Grey, and Lord De Grey by Lord Heytesbury; but still there was no real change in the policy of government; and so matters went on for 10 or 12 years, until, in the total failure of the potato, the staff of the miserable life of the people was broken, and the beginning of the end of the Anglo-Irish system arrived. That end is now in course of accomplishment. To attempt to chronicle its progress would be a painful task that, I confess, I lack spirit to undertake; but an allusion to its events must form an item in the moral with which it is my design to conclude this tale.

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