Merchant's Quay, Wood Quay, The Bridgefoot, Ussher's Quay, Bloody Bridge, Ussher's Island.

Chapter X.

The Merchant’s Quay - The Wood Quay - The Bridgefoot - Ussher’s Quay - The Bloody Bridge - Ussher’s Island.

The name of the Merchants’ Quay was formerly applied to the line of buildings extending along the southern bank of the Liffey, from the eastern corner of the Old Bridge to an edifice known as the “Crane,” at the northern extremity of Wine-tavern-street. The quays of Dublin appear to have been constructed at an early period, as King John in 1209 confirmed the citizens in possession of their buildings upon the river (“edificia supra aquam”), and licensed them to erect edifices upon the side of the Liffey. Frequent references to buildings on the bank (“super ripam”) of the river, in the parishes of St. Michael and St. Audoen, occur in local documents of the 13th century, at which period, ships, bound to Dublin, generally unloaded portion of their cargoes at Dalkey, and discharged the remainder at the Crane in the city. Various buildings existed on the quays in the 14th century, and among the city archives is preserved the following entry, made in the year 1489:-

“Memorandum that thes ben the wygtes of lede, in the Crane made in Richard Stanyhurst ys dayes beyng mayre, Robert Forster and Thomas West Baylyes, Anno regni regis H. vijth quinto. Item a cotte of lede off xx stone. Item a cotte of lede xiiij pa. Item a, cotte of iiij pa. It. a cotte off iiji pa. It. a cote ij pa. Item a cotte ij pa. di. It. a cotte ij pa. It a cotte j stone. Item a cotte j stone. It di stone. It. ij quarters of lede leffet with Thomas Neyle this yere Cranere and yerly to be delyuered to euery Mayre and Baylyes by wrytyng.”

The Crane was for a considerable period used as the Dublin Custom House; relative to the frauds practised in which, the Lord Justice and Council addressed the English Privy Council as follows in 1571:-

“Our very good Ll. with our humble dewties remembred. We being here infformed by George Lodge, gent. farmor of Hir Mates. customes of Dublin of ingate and owtgate in that Porte, how. the merchaunts of this Citie of Dublin by ther Charter beeinge free of custome, and holden onely but to make entry of ther goods in the Quenes Custome howse, for whiche is paid for eny entry but onelye 2d of this money, which is but a right small fee, and so enter ther goods in grose; and for lacke of entrye, forfeyt no goods at all, becawse by Charter they enjoye all forfeytures in that Citie, and as they afyrme, for wante of none entrye of ther goods, by statute they maye not lose the same. And under this cowlor of fredome, as is aledged, they dow cowlor straungers goods, aswell owt of England as other countreys yn great quantities of marchandizes. And all this happenynge, for that they will not shewe ther coquets, manifestinge by the same the true owners names of those goods, as allso the payment of the severall costomes. So yt. if it myght please your Honorable good LI. to take such order as the Customers of Chester, Leverpool, & other portes of England, myght as it were perforce all men, as reason is, to take ther coquets manifestinge ther severall costomes, wyth the true owners name, and ther to be bounde, that the same coquet shalbe here showed to the Customer, as well to declare the true owner or merchaunts of those goods mencioned in that coquet, as also that he hath not hyndered the Quenes Matie. of her Heighnes costome in England, and what goods is more then in ther coquet is comprised, may be stayed for Her Matie. by order to be taken by your Honors. It wold not onely greatly increase and augment Her Mates. costomes in England, but all so here in this realme.

“And whearas here, ther hath passed by Act of Parlament in the 12th yere of Her Mates. reigne, that no merchaunt whatsoever showld lode eny lynnon yarne, wollen yarne, woll, flocks, sheppfell, gotefell, red dearefell, and dyvers other merchandize named in the said statute, withowt they aunswere Her Mates costomes theruppon appoynted and lymytted by that act, and what soever merchaunt showld lode eny such merchandize by stealth, and being dewly proved, showld paie the costomes nomynated in that foresaid statute. For so moch as dyverse merchaunts of this realme have conveyed greit quantities of the merchandize above named, by stealth withowt aunsweringe Her Mates. costomes, wheruppon greit somes of money is dew to Her Heighnes by reason of those conveyaunces, and is to be tryed in Her Mattes. Exchequer here in this realme. For the more profe and better tryall of whiche, yf it myght please your Honors to direct your honorable Ires, aswell to the customers of Chester and Leverpoll, as to those that kepe the comon Halls or other places, for severall discharges of all suche merchandize and goods; the same is thought the good meanes that they may showe ther severall boks thereof, with the name and dwellinge place of the owner and discharger of thos goods, and the copie of ther bokes as moch as serveth for this purpose to be delyvered to this bearer, to be brought unto us against this next Terme; that such persons as so have conveyed, maye the rather be called to aunswere ther costomes dew to Her Matie. as by the Act is appoynted; and therby the better remedye to growe for Her Matie. to mete with the fraudulent dealings of such sort of merchaunts and owners. Neverthelesse we referr the better consideracon herof as shalbe lykinge to your Honors order and devise, that these practizes may the better be mett with all and ponyshed as the factes demeryte. And so humble take our leave. From Dublin this xviith. of July, 1571. Your Ll. humble at comaundment,

W. Fytzwylliam, Robert West, canc. T. Armachan. Adam Dublin. Jo. Plunket. Lucas Dillon. H. Draycott, Francis Agarde, John Chaloner.

On the 11th of March, 1596-7, a quantity of gunpowder lauded at the Crane exploded accidentally, and caused great destruction of life and property. Of this, the most serious accident recorded in the Dublin Annals, the fullest notice hitherto extant is that quoted from the native chroniclers at page 154, in connexion with Winetavern-street; we are, however, enabled, from unpublished official documents, to furnish more ample details of the catastrophe, which is described as follows by Sir John Norreys in a letter written to Sir Robert Cecil, two days after the explosion:

“Although the wynd have stayed our last dispache to your Ho. these 6 dayes, yet hath that tyme affourded nothynge more to wryte, but the lamentable accydent of the burninge of part of Her Mates. ponder, to the quantety of about syx last, whych beynge the remayn left aboard of all the store last sent over, was brought in a lyghter on the 11th of thys present to the Crane about xii of the clock, and toke fyer imediatly after one (by what meanes no man know-eth). In thys tyme yt was allmost all layd open the Kay, and the porters beginninge to cary yt away: thre of Sr. George Bousers men that had the charge of yt, wytil the keper of the Crane, and all the labourers about yt are peryshed; the ruyne of the town is exceedinge great, 20 houses by estymation, next adjoyninge, throwen to the ground, not any one house or church wythin the walles but in the tylynges, smaule tymbers, and glasse mervelously endomaged, and many in lyke sort in the suburbes. Yt is supposed that ther are slayn of all ages and sexes neer 200; fewe Englysh, nor any of account, but one of the Ratlyfes, master of a bark of Chester: ther ys lytle apparans that thys should happen by any practise, the tyme beyng so short that yt lay in the place, and the same garded; but yt is ghessed that some nayle in the roulynge of the barrels myght stryke fyer, the tyme beynge very dry. Though the losse to Her Maty. be not great, nor any hynderans can come to the servyce, ther beynge heer suffitient store tyll more may be sent, yet is the myshapp to be pytyed and accounted a just plaghe of God, for the synnes of so impyous and ungratefull a people.

“And thus praynge your Ho. that thys may be imparted to my L. your Father, to whome I forbeer to wryte (havynge no more pleasing suggett) I remayn most redy to doe your Ho. servyce,

“J. Norreys.

“Dublyn thys xiii of March 1596.”

Sir George Bourchier details the event as follows in a letter addressed, on the 16th of March, to Lord Burghley:

“It may please your most honorable Lo. Although your Honor shalbe fullie advertised by the Lo. Deputy and Councell of the miserable accident happened here, (by Gods providence) through mischaunce of powder, blowen up at the Crane of Dublin, yet I thought it my duty to signifie the same unto your Lo. in pticuler, so farre as by all meanes I can gather the truth therof. My men as heretofore have bene accustomed, were at the Crane, (where the powder and all other goodes both of the Queenes Mates. and merchantes are both shipped and unshipped, having but one onely Crane for all busines whatsoever) to discharge 6 lastes of powder, which a lighter had brought up from the ship, and was the last loade of the whole proporcion brought hither: it happened on Friday the 11th of this moneth, at xii of the clock in the day, the tide brought up the lighter to the Crane, and within one houre it was landed, about which tyme the mischiefe happened, onely 4or barrells of powder were caried towardes the store, through the citty, (as is accustomed for that there is no other way) and the rest being loding into small cartes and by comon porters of the citty, was redy to be caried away although none saved but the 4or barrelles, all the rest blowen up, together with the men that were imployed at the instant therabout, and not any alive to make reporte: amongst the rest twoe of my owne men perished; and my clarcke that attended the receipt newly departed from the place, together with the Mr. of the ship that brought the municion being called awaie by accident. Some conjecture yt myght come by a horse foote straning and so strike fier. Others say a boy was picking about the barrells to seeke loose powder; and some say by rolling a barrell on the grounde in the streete. For may it please your Lo. tiler is no other meanes but to lay yt in the streete as it is taken out of the Crane. And suerly (my good Lo.) the under officers of the Tower which are to attend the dispatche of such services were to blame, to send the powder without duble casque, to defend it from the like mishappes; a thing which I doe not remember bath bene done heretofore. Further it may please your Lo. that the proportion of calivs now arived, being all of an old store, lyen long in the Tower, and sent hither without the ordinarie marke of prooffe accustomed to be stamped upon the pece, and most of them likwise put up with croked stockes which nowe be out of use, will never be issued to tharmie, but are like to lie and consume wth. ruste, as many other did in my office; soe likwise is it a great inconvenience to the service in sending the lead in so great peceis as now yt was, that our cariage horses cannot beare in jornies, and therfore must be new caste, wherby will growe both waste and increase of charge. Thus having acquainted your Lo. with the truth of this accidente so farre as I can learne, doe most humbly take my leave. From Dublin this xvith. of Marche 1596. Your Lo. most humblie to be comaunded, G. Bowrchier.”

The following examinations of witnesses were taken before Michaell Chamberlaine, Mayor of Dublin, “touching the late misfortune happened to the Cittie aforesaid by the powder that laid at the Crane, the 16th. of March, 1596:”

“James Fox of Manchester, merchant, of the age of xxvi yeares or thereabouts sworne upon the Holie Evangelist and duly examined by vertue of his oath, deposeth, that upon Fridaie last being the xi of this pnt moneth, he this Depont. being at the Crane of Dublin, sawe a man rowling out of barrells of powder into the streete, and with him 2 young children, th’one of them in a long side coate, who so sone as the said fellowe that had first put them a rowling, the children kept them so rowling untill they came where the greater nomber of powder laie. The man or children that so rowled them this depont. knoweth not, and further deposeth not.

“Richard Toben, mr porter of Dublin, of the age of 55 yeares or thereabouts likewise sworne and duly examined deposeth, that he this depont being at the Crane, the daie and yeare aforesaid helping to put out the powder, and leaving eche barrell at the Crane dore readie to be carried awaie by suche as the Q. officers had apointed, the children of the streete and other persons there standing idle and not hired, fell a rowling of the powder; but who the children or persons were that so rowld them this depont. did not well note or knowe them.

“He further deposeth that Thadie Carroll servant to John Allen, clarke of the Storehouse, was there put taking the note of the barrells, and Patrick Carroll the said Thadies brother was loading the same upon carrs, the owner of one of the carrs his name is Derbie Ferrall, and the owner of the other he knowetil not.

“He saith also that John Allen aforesaid, nor Nicholas Barnes skipp was not there, nether anie other officer that he sawe, other then the 2 servaunts belonging to John Allen, as he hath forcibly declared. He saith further that for anie thing he knowe the bearers were not hired or dealt withall by anie of Her Mates. officers for carrying of the said powder, and that he thincketh the powder was a rowling out some 2 or 3 howers before noone, to one of the clock, by which time all the powder that was at the Crane aboard, was discharged to 4 barrells that laie in the sling and 2 in the boate, and then this depont. departed from thence leaving all the said powder lying in the streete. He further deposeth that the xiiij last of powder that was first dischardged was carried awaie by carrs, as he thincketh to the Castle, and further he deposeth not.

“Patrick Dixon of Dublin, merchant, of th’age of 50 yeares or thereabouts sworne and examined, deposeth, that in the time of the Q. munition being a discharging, he this depont. having some herring thereabouts to be carried to his house, dealt with some of the bearers that he found standing idle at the Key and requested them to helpe him about the carriage of his herring; to whome they aunswered all at once that they durst not goe neare the Crane for feare of John Allen, Clarke of the Storehouse, who would presse them whether they would or not, and beate them if they did refuse, and shold not knowe what to have for their hier. He further saith that upon Thursdaie last about the evening, he this deponent mett some bearers rowling of a drie fatt [vat] in the back side of Christchurche on the west end, and seeing them go that unaccustomed waie, asked the bearers whie they carried or rowled that fatt that waie, and they aunsweared that they were comaunded to goe that waie; to which he replied and said that they were purposed to steale part of the stoare; which they swore they ment yt not, but that they were comaunded, as before.

“He further saith that presently after the misfortune happened, he this depont. being upon the Key towards Nicholas Barnes house, did meete with an Alderman of the Cittie, as he take yt Mr. Foster, and they mett wth John Allen Clarke of the Storehouse, and asked him what that mishapp meant, or howe yt fortuned, and he aunswered that he knewe not, and that he left the Crane but a litle before at the request of Nicholas Barnes aforesaid, to drinck a pott of ale at the said Barnes house, and in that time the said mischaunce happened, and further deposeth not.

“Neale O Molan of Dublin, bearer, of th’age of xxx yeares or thereabouts sworne and examined deposeth, that he this depont. in the time of the Q. stoare dischardging with iii of his fellowes, was pressed forth by John Allen Clarke of the Storehouse wthout first agreeing wth. them for their hier, and kept them labouring a whole half daie in the Castle, and at th’end of the daie gave them iiii but xd ster., and so used them at another daie and for the same price, & often before as occasion served he wold cause this depont. and the rest of his fellowes to labor against their willes, and after their labor ended he wold paie what pleased him, which was farr under the allowance and rates appointed & usually paid in the cittie by the merchaunts and other inhabitaunts there, and further deposeth not.

“Rorie Dowgan of Dublin, bearer, sworne and examined deposeth and saith that he this depont. and severall others of his fellowes to the nomber of viii. were forced by John Allen aforesaid aswell by threatening with his dagger and hard speeches as otherwise for the space of two whole daies, in which time they carried from the Crane to the Castle of such the Q. munition as came before this last voiadge, xviii drie fatts, and wold not give them one penny, till th’end of the ii daies, and by greate adoe and long following, craving at him, he gave them viii men hut v8 viiid. ster. He further saith that the said Allen sett this depont. and v. more of his fellowes a worke upon drie fatts last come to this Cittie, some to the Castle, other some to the Erle of Ormonds house, and the rest to Christ-church, which they continued for 2 daies, and at th’end receaved of the said Allen but viiid ster. for everie drie fatt. He further saith that the said Allen put this depont. and x more of his fellowes the first daie that the powder was a landing, to carrie the same, where they contynued to noone of that daie, and from that forth he put carrs to carrie the powder and sent 6 of the bearers to carrie drie fattes, and further deposeth not.

“Thomas Walshe of Dublin, bearer, sworne and examined deposeth and agreeth with his precontest Rorie Dowgan in all points touching the carriage of the first xviii drie fatts, shewing for his knowledge that he was one of the viii. men that carried them, as before rehersed. He further deposeth that upon a time he was forced by John Allen aforesaid his man, to goe to the Castle and there caused to cutt the nomber of tenn great thick peeces of lead, and after that greate labor never had penny of money or other reward for his paines; and further saith another time he this depont. and v. more of his fellowes were forced by John Allens man aforesaid Thadie Carroll, to carrie iij drie fatts from the Castle to the Crane and never had penny for their paines, and at severall times were forced to labor wthout comption [A line through the descender of the “p” and a peculiar lasso shape above the “t”. KF.], and in th’end he the said John Allen wold give him no more then he pleased for their hier, and further deposeth not.

“John Walshe of Dublin, bearer, sworne also and examined deposeth that he this depont. was one of the 6 that carried the iij drie fatts in companie with Thomas Walshe and th’other iiii from the Castle to the Crane, and never receaved penny of money for their hier. He saith also that at severall times he this depont. and others of his fellowes, was forced to labor by John Allen aforesaid, and never receaved anie money for his hier but as pleased the said John, and further deposeth not.

“Patrick Morisoe of Dublin, bearer, sworne also & examined deposeth that he this depont. was one of the viii that carried the xviii drie fatts before mencioned by Rorie Dowgan and others, and had for their hier between them for 2 daies labor but vs. viid. ster. And further deposeth that he this deponent was often feared by John Allen aforesaid and his man to labor by threatening of blowes by the said John himself and his man, and in th’end he had but such paiement as pleased the said Allen, and further deposeth not.

“Derbie O Ferrall of Dublin, carrman, sworne and examined deposeth that John Allen aforesaid requested this depont. to carrie pt of the Q. munition and that he wold him *[sic] *for his hier. Whereunto this depont. agreed and came there with his carr, and contynued carrying of the same in companie with ij carrs of the said John Allens man for iij severall daies, in which he carried some iijxx. and xvij barrells of powder and receaved therefore for his owne hier and his garrons for that iij daies iijs. vid. ster. and in taking the last loade of powder this misfortune happened, but in what sort he this depont. knoweth not, and further deposeth not.

“According to your L. direction sent to me by your L. Threr and Comptroller, I have called before me such persons as I thought could give most light to the mishap latelie befallen to this Cittie by the powder of Her Mats. stoare, and have here laid downe what they have deposed, this xvith of March, 1596. - Michaell Chamberlaine, Maior of Dublin.”

The following supplementary examinations were subsequently taken before the Mayor

“Upon search in John Allens house the xviith. of March 1596 there was found as followeth, viz.:

“Item In severall places of his house in Corsletts xxxii.

“Item xii holbards and xii black bills.

“Item iii quarters and better of a barrel of powder.

“Mr. John Shelton now Shrieff of the Cittie of Dublin sworne and examined before the Maior the xviii of March 1596, by vertue of his oath deposeth that he bargained wth. John Allen Clarke of the Storehouse for the provision of the Cittie of Dublin upon the last journie made by the Citizens northward ii barrells of powder of viiixx pound a peece and more at xii str. a pound and xii rowles of match at xiid. the rolle, of which powder he served the Citizens with part of one barrell and the other toguether with the match he returned to the said John Allen againe, and for that other barrell he distributed the most part therof, he paid the said Allen upon an accompt after the rate aforesaid, and further deposeth not, save that he sawe sondrie times certelne barrels going to the said John Allens house.

“Mr. Alexander Palles the other Shrieff of this Cittie, likewise sworne and examined deposeth that at the time of the last journie made by the Citizens of Dublin northward, Capten Eustace then leader of the Companie finding great want of match and lead for to serve the Companie, he resorted to the depont. and acquainted him with the same, who presently repaired to John Aliens house aforesaid and praied him to helpe him with some lead and match for money or love, and the said John Allen told him that lead and match was scarse, nevertheles he called his man to him and wished him to goe to his chamber and bring downe such lead and match as there was, who brought a peece of lead waying xxx lb. for which the depont. paid him vs. ster. and ii rowles of match for which he paid after the rate of iid. ster the pound or thereabouts, but as he remembreth he paid nothing for the match, but had the same toguether with the lead for the vs. ster aforesaid, and further deposeth not.

“Walter Galtrom of Dublin, Alderman, likewise sworne and examined deposeth that upon a yeare & somewhat more past, he this depont. bought of John Allen aforesaid one barrell of powder waying vxx. lb. or thereabout, & paid therefore as he thincketh ether x or xiid. ster. the pownd, and further deposeth not.

“John Fleming, servaunt to Mr. Fleming of Dublin merchant, likewise sworne and examined deposeth that his Mr. bought of John Allen aforesaid 2 yeares past or thereabouts, one barrell of powder, but of the waight thereof or price he knoweth not, and further deposeth not, save that he sawe a barrell of powder in his Mr. his shopp upon this deponents returne out of England, but where his Mr. had yt or of whome yt was bought he knoweth not.

“Robert Kenedie of Dublin merchant, likewise sworne & examined deposeth that he this depont. bought of John Allen aforesaid and Nicholas Allen for the provision of the showe entended by the Citizens on Black Mondaie and Maie daie last, two barrells of powder weying vxx lb. a peece at v£. sterling the barrell or thereabouts, and further deposeth not

“John Tyrrell of Dublin, Alderman, likewise sworn and examined, deposeth that he this depont. upon a chardge given by Mr. Maior that the Citizens shold bee provided of munition for the defence of the Cittie, about the last Christmas bought of John Allen aforesaid and Nicholas Allen, two barrells of powder, for which he paid x£. ster and further deposeth not.

Robt. Ball of Dublin merchant, likewise sworne & examined deposeth that he this depont. bought of Thomas Keating carpenter, one barrell of powder, for which he paid iiii£. ster. to Nicholas Allen, which was about ii yeares past, and further deposeth that he sawe of the late stoare of munition that came for Her Maty. certeine barrells of powder as he remembreth to the nomber of xx or thereabouts upon Carrs going to the said John Aliens house, wch. was about Michaelmas last, and further deposeth not, save that Thomas Bill of Dublin, Tallowe Chandelor, did proferr this depont. iii barrells of powder, wch. he said he was to have of John Allen, wch. he refused to buie at that time.

“Thomas Bill of Dublin, Tallow chandlor, sworne & examined, deposeth that he this depont. bought of John Allen aforesaid one barrell of powder waying some vii or viiixx lb. for wch. bills was given to the said John Allen by Captens. by waie of imprest as he heard John Allen saie, about the begyning of Lent nowe pnt [?KF], and further deposeth not.

“George Roch of Dublin, merchant, sworne & examined, deposeth that for his owne part he never bought powder match nor lead of John Allen or Nicholas Allen, but saith that one William mac Owen, Subshrieff of the Kinges Countie bought of Nicholas Allen and receaved at the hands of John Allen aforesaid vi callivers, a rolle of match and some tenn pounds of powder or thereabouts; for wch callivers he paid in warrants xvi8. ster for everie calliver, and what for powder or match he knoweth not. He further deposeth that one Maccoghlan had halfe a barrell of powder & some stoare of match, wch. he brought to this deponents house, and there left yt, but where he had yt, this deponent knoweth not, other then he thinkethe he had yt out of the Storehouse, and further deposeth not.

“John Weston, servant to Nicholas Weston of Dublin Alderman, likewise sworne and examined, deposeth that he this depont. receaved at the hands of John Allen aforesaid about a yeare or two past one barrell of powder upon the pclose [?KF] of an accompt past betwixt his said mr. and Sir Geo. Bourcher Knight by the appointement of the said Sr Geo. and further deposeth not.

“Thomas Long servant to Robt. Panting of Dublin merchant, likewise sworne and examined deposeth that his said mr. receaved of John Allen aforesaid a firkin of powder for certene hoppes delivered for the use of Sr Gea. Bourcher, Knight, about Michaelmas last, & further deposeth not, save that his said mr. bought of one Thomas Keating carpenter some xx or xxx pownd of powder, but the price thereof he knoweth not.

“Elizabeth Hodson wife to Thomas Fleaming of Dublin merchant, likewise sworne and examined, deposeth that shee bought at severall times iii severall barrells of powder, th’one as shee taketh yt was of Robt. Painter deceased, th’other of Nicholas Allen and the third of John Allen, for wch. she paid after xd. ster. the pound, and further deposeth not.

“Nicholas Lutterell servant to Robt. Panting of Dublin merchant, likewise sworne and examined deposeth that upon 2 yearos past he this depont. bought of Nicholas Allen aforesaid one barrell of powder for wch. he paid five pounds ster and further deposeth not.

“John Maie of Dublin merchant likewise sworne and examined deposeth that he bought of John Allen aforesaid about a yeare past the nomber of iiijxx lb. of powder, after xd the pound and further deposeth not

“According your L. direction I have examined the persons herein named, the originall whereof subscribed by ech person so examined is remayning in my custodie, the true copie whereof this is, and there are diverse merchants yet not examined, wch for brevitie of time I could not find, whereby I might effect your L. desier therein. The xviiith. of March 1596. - Michekk Chamberlen Maior, John Shelton Shreiff.”

To these examinations the following certificate was appended “touching such as were slain when the powder was fired:”

“Wee the Maior and Shrieffs of the Cittie of Dublin upon inquirie and examination, doe find that there is of persons knowne who fortuned to be in the last misfortune happened within the Cittie of Dublin, lost to the nomber of vi skoare, besides sondrie hoadles bodies, and heades without bodies that were found and not knowne. and thus much for this time wee doe certefie this xviiith. of March 1596. - Michell Chamberlen, Maoir, John Shelton, Willm. Palles, Shrieffs.”

The last notice in the official manuscripts of this event is the following passage in a despatch of the Lord Deputy Russell to the “Right Honourable the Lords and others of Her Majesty’s most honorable Privy Council:”

“Here hath lately hapned a straunge accident a little before my returne hether, of much losse unto Her Matie and yet of farre greater to the Inhabitantes of this poore Cittie, by the unfortunate fyring of a great quantitie of Her Mates. powder, last sent over, as the same was landed upon the Key, and should from thence have been conveyed to this Castle. the number of barrells are said to be seven skoare, wch. at that time lay toguether in the streete, and alltoguether unhappely did take fyre, to the blowing up and spoyle of manie howses and the losse of divers subjectes lives, which hath made the spectacle much the more fearefull and lamentable. Some examinations I have caused the Maior to take, which I send your Lls. here inclosed, with a note of the hurt done in particular, and thereto pray leave humbly to referre your Lls. - As anie thing further may be learned, your Lls. shall therwth. be made acquainted, and whether it groweth by practise or by negligence. In the meane time I have committed to this Castle the Clerke of the Ordenance, named Allen (who thoughe an Englishman is suspected to be a Recusant) for that he did suffer so great a portion to lye toguether in the streete, and did not send yt away as yt was landed, wch. yt should seem he could not doe for lack of Carriage, in as much as the Porters were unwilling to be employed thereaboutes, being formerly yll paid, as nowe upon examination falleth out”

“And thus sending your Lls. some other examinations, newly taken before the Maior of this Cittie, touching munition affirmed to be sold by the Clerke of the Ordenance, wch. I have thought fitt to acquaint your Lls. with, I do most humbly take leave. From the Castle of Dublin, this xxth. of March 1596. - Your Lls. humbly at command, Wm. Russell.”

In the latter part of the reign of James* *I., Government erected in the eastern part of the city a new Custom House, crane, and wharf, “as well for his Majesty’s service, as the convenient loading, landing, putting aboard, and on shore, all and every such wares, merchandize, and commodities whatsoever, as should at any time thereafter be exported or imported into, or forth, of the Port of Dublin, or any member thereof.” Thomas Hill, Craner, Wharfinger, and Packer, obtained in 1644 a grant of the “old Custom-house, and out-houses, and the pale bounding it, during his life, at the rent of five pounds English to the Crown, with a freedom from cesse and presse, whilst he lived in said house, as had been accustomed.”

The Old Crane, having been rebuilt and frequently repaired, was continued in use as a storehouse till the commencement of the present century.

In the vicinity of the Crane resided, in the sixteenth century, Humphrey Powell, whose edition of the Common Prayer, published with the following title, is believed to have been the first book printed in Dublin:

“The Boke of the Common Praier and administracion of the Sacramentes, and other rites and ceremonies of the Churche: after the vse of the Churche of England. Dubliniae in Officina Humfredi Povveli. Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum solum. Anno Domini M.D. L. I.”

This book is elegantly printed in the black letter, and contains 140 folio pages, exclusive of six leaves of calendars in rubrics, and four pages of introductory matter, comprising a table of psalms, title, &c. At signature A iii. the book is stated to be “printed at the commaundement of the right woorshipfnll Sir Anthonie Sentleger (knyght of the order), late Lord Deputie of Ireland, and Counsaile of the same;” and on folio cxl. appears the following colophon:

“Imprinted by Humfrey Powell, Printer to the Kynges Maiestie, in his Hyghnesse Realme of Ireland, dwellyng in the citee of Dublin in the great toure by the Crane. Cum priuelegio ad imprimendum solum. Anno Domini. M.D.L.I.”

Before settling in Dublin, Powell had practised as a printer in London, and his name appears in the charter of the Stationers’ Company in 1566, at which period, as before noticed, he was resident in St. Nicholas’-street, Dublin.

The “great tower,” occupied by Powell, appears to have been the edifice styled “Prickett’s tower,” from Richard Prickett, who obtained in 1594, through the Earl of Ormond, the offices of Comptroller of Dublin and Drogheda. This building is noticed as follows at the close of the 16th century:

“From the Bridge gate along the Marchant key to Prickettes Towre is 843 foote distant, and the key nine foote hie from the channell to the pavement. The said Tower in Prickett’s pocession is a square towre, with a towret in the tope on the Easte syde, the Towre 30 foote sqware one waye and 28 foote the other way, the wall three foote fowre inches thicke and 34 foote hie; and no heightes but one timber lofte in the sqware, and towe small vawtes in the towret, and no lowp but a wyndoe to the easte syde.”

Several slips, or landing places, on the Merchants’ Quay are referred to in the 16th and 17th centuries. Sir William Skeffington, Lord Deputy, landed in 1534, “at the slip neer the Bridge of Dublin;” and Sir Edward Bellingham, in a letter written about November, 1548, to the Mayor of Dublin, alludes as follows to the boats then used upon the Liffey:

“Mr. Meyer: loke that yow substancyally se to thyngs commyttyd unto yow naly [? KF.] In ower absens & wat Mr. Sentlo one of Hys majestes cownsell shall whyll yow in furderans of my dere mrs servyse se yt cyrcuspectly executyd in suche sorte yt may whell appere that yow mynd not to dyscharge good servys (accordyng to yor dewty) wt a excuse wherin yow shall deserve (besyds the accomplysshment of yowr duty) most herty tanks. Where amongst other thyngs whe ar Informyd that me [? KF] use bots more lyberally apon the ryver then they owt to do & naly in ower absens remember the thyng ys as yet in controversy & not determynd & consyder also that as whe mynd to doo no wrong (as God forfend whe shold mynd ony otherwhyse) so lyke whyse whe dysdayne to have ony offeryd us. I pray yow by yow dyscretyon consultyng wt Mr. Jon plunket se the thyng usyd accordyngly.”

The city, in Michaelmas Term, 1559, “granted and agreed that Thomas Simon Fitz Michell should have all the slyppes of the Merchants’ Quay from Ussher’s ground, called Carle’s Inns, to the watering slyppe of the lane called the Bagnio, where Nicholas Seyntleger dwelled.”

In 1560 the troops, ammunition, and ordnance, sent from England to be employed against Shane O’Neill, were landed at the Crane; and in 1565 Nicholas Fitzimons, then Mayor, caused the Merchants’ Quay to be repaired at the city charge. Sir John Perrot, on his departure from the government of Ireland, on the 2nd of July, 1588, “took boat at the Merchants’ Quay, at three o’clock in the afternoon, and as he came from his lodging to the quay of Dublin to embark, the throng of the people coming to salute him - some with cries of applause, and some with tears, bemoaning his departure - was so great, that he was almost two hours before he could pass the streets, and was forced twice or thrice to take house to avoid the press; Turlogh Lynogh O’Neill accompanied him to the boat, and, standing on the river-side, whilst he saw the ship under sail, with many tears lamented his departure; and the city of Dublin, as a testimony of their love and affection to him, sent some of their young men with shot, who waited on him as his guard, till he arrived at his seat, called Carew Castle, in Pembrokeshire.”

An order was made by the Corporation in 1575, that “the stayres builded by Raulfe Grimesditch, adjoyning to the Bridge-foot, shall be plucked down, forasmuch as he builded the same without lycens of the city;” and we are told, somewhat later in the same century, that the “depth of the Liffie, from the Bridge to over against Mr. Walter Balle’s house, is six foot demy; from over against Mr. Balle’s house to over against Mr. John Forster’s house is four foot demy; from over against Mr. Forster’s house to over against Prickett’s Tower is six foot; from over against Prickett’s Tower to over against Mr. Fian’s castle is four foot; from over against Mr Fian’s castle to the west end of Mr. Brown’s building is three foot; from over against the west end of Mr. Brown’s building to over against Issolde’s tower is four foot. There can,” adds the record, “be six foot depth of water, at least, drawn into all the ditches about the town, with charges done upon cleaning of the said ditches, and upon making of sluices for to stay the water where the ground do not meet in height levell.”

In 1643 Catherine Duffe, widow, was tenant to the city of all the slips of the Merchants’ Quay and the Wood Quay, which she was bound “to make up, repair, and keep the said slips, and the walls of the quays, from time to time, stiff and staunch, with good stone and lime,” for which she was to receive four pence of “every boat, gabbart, and bark, by way of quayage.” Rees Phillips, vintner, on 20th July, 1654, took from the city, for 21 years, at the annual rent of three pounds, “all the slips of the Merchant and the Wood Quays, from the Bridge of the city to the eastern end of Fyan’s castle.” This grant was assigned by Phillips to Nathaniel Foulkes, who obtained, in 1672, a new lease for 99 years, at the same rent, and a couple of fat capons, or five shillings to the Lord Mayor at every Christmas. The use of these slips was, however, superseded by Ormond Bridge, erected by the city in 1684, and so styled from the Duke of Ormond, then Lord Lieutenant.

Among the residents on the Merchants’ Quay in the reign of Charles I. were Sir Philip Perceval, founder of the Egmont family; Captain Nicholas Pynnar, compiler of the “Survey of Ulster;” Sir Christopher Foster, Sir Robert Newcomen, Sir John Sherlock; and Sir William Parsons, whose entire property did not exceed £40 in value at the period of his settlement in Ireland, in the latter part of the reign of Elizabeth; yet, having obtained the offices of Surveyor-General and Commissioner of Plantations, he contrived, in a few years, to acquire very considerable estates. Parsons reorganized the Court of Wards, of which he was made Master; and finally, through the Puritanic party in the English Parliament, was appointed Lord Justice of Ireland, in which capacity he received, at his house on the Merchants’ Quay, on the night of the 22nd of October, 1641, the informations of Owen O’Conally, relative to the projected revolutionary movement of the natives.

On the Merchants’ Quay, at the Restoration, resided Sir Robert Talbot, who had distinguished himself among the Irish Confederates, and whose younger brother, Richard, was subsequently created Duke of Tyrconnell. Among the merchants resident on this quay were, Peter Wybrants, Mayor in 1658, and Sir Thomas Hackett, a very wealthy Jacobite trader, extensively engaged in foreign commerce. Hackett was elected Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1687, but the Williamites, after regaining power, seized his property, and declared him an outlaw. Hackett’s account-books, still extant, exhibit the great extent of his commercial transactions; and he appears to have acted as banker or money-lender to many of the principal nobility and gentry of his time in Ireland. In a letter from Holyhead, dated 22nd of October, 1696, Hackett says: “All the misfortunes that happened cannot be attributed to me, being as great a sufferer by the wars as any of my creditors, having lost in debts, &c., about £13,000; the estate, which was set for about £800 a year, not producing, from May, 1695, to May, 1696, but £130 16s. 8d., as per the account sent to Mr. Sarsfield.”

The City Marshalsea was established, in 1704, on the Merchants’ Quay, between Skipper’s-lane and Swan-alley, where it was continued till 1805; and the passers-by were incessantly assailed by the cries of the inmates soliciting charity for their maintenance, or the discharge of their fees. At the “Bible and Crown,” on this quay, near the Old Bridge, was the shop of John Watson, bookseller, compiler, and publisher of the “Gentleman’s and Citizen’s Almanack,” ” Tables of Interest and Exchange,” and other works of similar character. Watson, who was the first Irish almanac compiler to exclude astrological signs from his publications, issued, in 1724, in conjunction with Mary Laurence, an almanac printed in both the Irish and English languages; and from the year 1729 continued regularly the publication of his excellently arranged “Gentleman’s and Citizen’s” Almanacs, till his death in January, 1769, after which the work was published by his sons-in-law, Samuel Watson and Thomas Stewart, the latter of whom occupied the “Bible and Crown” till the year 1778. Patrick Wogan, publisher, also resided in this locality from 1774 till the early part of the present century. A watch-house was placed at the south-western end of the Old, Bridge, opposite to which was an extensive pile of buildings, rendering the passage from Bridge-street to the Merchants’ Quay scarcely wide enough to allow more than one vehicle to pass at a time. The importance of commanding this narrow entry was recognised in 1803 by Robert Emmet, who had designed that, in case the army, after crossing the Old Bridge, passed along the Merchants’ Quay, Wogan’s house, and Birmingham warehouse next to it, should be occupied with musketry, grenades, and stones; also the leather crane at the other end of the quay; a beam, to be before the crane, lying across the quay, to be fired at the approach of the enemy’s column. “A body of pike-men, in Winetavern-street, instantly to rush on them in front; another body, in Cook-street, to do the same, by five lanes opening on their flank, and by Bridge-street in their rere. Another beam in Bridge-street in case of taking that route, and then Cook-street body to rush out instantly in front, and the Quay on the flank. There was also to be a rocket battery at the Crane on the quay, and another in Bridge-street.”

The Wood Quay extended from the Crane at the end of Winetavern-street to a building known as Buttevant’s Tower, situated a little to the westward of the site of the present Essex-bridge. Buttevant’s Tower is described in the 16th century as “an old square, ruinous tower, with one vault, and the wall four feet thick, 30 feet high from the channel, and 12 feet square within the walls, and the ground eight feet high within the said tower from the channel.” This building appears to have subsequently acquired the name of “Newman’s Tower,” from Sir James Ware’s father-in-law, Jacob Newman, Clerk of the Rolls Office in the Court of Chancery, who, in the reign of James I., resided on the Wood Quay.

The “Liber Albus Scaccarii,” or “White Book of the Exchequer,” frequently quoted by Sir John Davies, is stated, in the “Lansdowne Manuscripts,” to have been burnt in “Sir Francis Aungier’s closet, at Jacob Newman’s, in 1610.”

At a short distance from Newman’s Tower, on the city wall, stood a small tower, round without and square within, “one timber lofte with towe roomes and lowps in every rowme; 12 foote square one waye and 14 foote the other waye; the wall three foote thicke and 25 foote hie, and the earthe hie within the said Towre, eight foote.” This building, known in the 17th century as “Casey’s Tower,” was sold among the forfeited estates in 1701 for £144 10s.; it afterwards became the Hall of the Guild of Bakers, thence acquiring the name of the Bakers’ Tower, and was finally demolished about 1753.

In the Quay wall, opposite the southern end of Fishamble-street, stood Fyan’s Castle, described about 1590 as a “sqware towre, fowre storie hie, 38 foote sqware one waye, and 20 foote another waye, towe spickes or lowps in the loer storie, and windoes in every of the other rowmes, the wall fowre foote thicke and 42 foote hie, and the grounde firme, eight foote hie from the chanell within the castell.”

The Fyans were citizens of high importance in Dublin in the 15th and 16th centuries. John Fyan was Mayor in 1472 and 1479; Thomas Fyan, Sheriff in 1540; and the hospitality of Richard Fyan, Mayor in 1549 and 1564, has been extolled by local chroniclers. Robert Barnewall, fifth Lord Trimleston, married, in 1559, Anne, only daughter of Richard Fyan, Alderman, whose son is referred to in a document of the year 1618, as “William Fyan, of Dublin city, merchant, aged 40 years.” Later in the 17th century, Fyan’s Castle acquired the name of “Proudfoot’s Castle,” from George Proudfoot, merchant, cousin to James Barry, first Earl of Santry, who inherited it from his father, Alderman Richard Barry, merchant, and Sheriff of Dublin. In the reign of Charles II., “Proudfoot’s Castle” was occasionally used as a State prison.

On the 12th of September 1578, Sir Henry Sidney, Lord Deputy, took boat at the Wood Quay, about eight o’clock at night, and there delivered the sword to William Gerrard, the Lord Chancellor. On this quay resided Sir John Davies, who having been expelled from the Middle Temple in 1598 for beating a fellow-student in the public hall, retrieved his reputation by a poem entitled “Nosce Teipsum,” published in 1599. He also wrote “Orchestra, a Poem on the Art of Dancing,” and was said to have acquired Elizabeth’s favour by praising her, in 26 acrostics on the words, “Elizabetha Regina.” Davies was an active member of the English Parliament of 1601; and James I., in testimony of his admiration of “Nosce Teipsum,” appointed him Solicitor-General of Ireland in 1603, and Attorney-General in 1606, in which capacity he was one of the first judges who administered the English law in Ulster. The knowledge which he acquired of the ancient legal records of Ireland is displayed in his treatise, published in 1612, under the title of “A Discoverie of the True Causes why Ireland was never entirely subdued, nor brought under Obedience of the Crown of England, untill the Beginning of His Majesties happie Raigne.” Davies returned to England in 1616, having, in the preceding year, published his “Reports of Cases adjudged in the King’s Courts in Ireland,” the earliest work of that nature extant in connexion with this country. On the Wood Quay was the residence of Mathew De Renzi, a native of Germany, who, in 1622, obtained a royal grant of upwards of 1,000 acres of the forfeited lands of the Irish, in the barony of Garrycastle, King’s County, “to hold in soccage to him and his heirs for ever, provided he should not take the name, stile, or title of Roirke, O’Molloy, the Fox, Mac Coghlan, or O’Doyne; nor receive or pay any Irish rent, taxes, or services, or divide his land according to the Irish custom of gavelkind.” De Renzi’s monument, in the church of Athlone, states that he “was born at Cullen, in Germany, and descended from the family and renowned warrior, George Castriot, alias Scanderbeg, who, in the Christian wars, fought 52 battles with great conquest and honour against the Great Turk. He was a great traveller and general linguist, and kept correspondency with most natives in many weighty affairs, and in three years gave great perfection to this nation, by composing a grammar, dictionary, and chronicle in the Irish tongue: in accounts most expert, and exceeding all others for his great applause.” The inscription adds, that De Renzi died in 1634, at the age of 57, and that the monument was erected by his son in 1635.

Among the residents on the Wood Quay, in the reign of Charles I., were Sir Jerome Alexander, afterwards Justice of the Common Pleas; James Donnellan, Justice of the same Court; Francis Aungier, Baron of Longford; Sir Faithful Fortescue, ancestor of the Earls of Clermont; Dr. John Atherton, Bishop of Waterford; Sir Richard Osbaldeston; William Sambach, the King’s second Sergeant; and Sir Adam Loftus, of Rathfarnham. The “Old Swan” here is noticed in 1643; and a bowling-alley, commonly called the “Yellow Lyon,” was located here in the reign of Charles II., at which period the erection of an Exchange upon this Quay was projected. Later in the same century a school was established at the sign of the “Royal Exchange,” on the Wood Quay, by John McComb and Andrew Cumpsty, who, in 1694, compiled and issued a “Dublin Almanack,” the publication of which was continued by the former, styling himself “Philomathematicus.” Cumpsty subsequently incurred the enmity of the notorious Dr. Whalley, by whom he was assailed with the following diatribe, which serves to illustrate the mode in which the Dublin astrologers, at that period, conducted their controversies:-

“I know,” says Dr Whalley in 1699 there are a certain partial people something displeased at my late writing against my sheeps-face antagonist, Andrew Cumpsty; but though they be, I do not care: if he likes not what he has got, he may thank himself for it. Giff Gaff is a good fellow; he first began, and, without cause or provocation, in an epistle to his balderdash for the year 1697, endeavour’d me all the abuse his wooden scull was capable of, in hopes thereby to gain the better repute to his yearly nonsence; but finding that would not do, he continued with Sir Owle’s-head, his printer, and others, to counterfeit the title-page of my almanack, and added it to his for the same year; and imposed it upon the world as mine; for which piece of honesty, Crook, and several of his confederating Dublin book-Sellers, were bound over to the King’s Bench at Michaelmas Term, 1697; but Cumpsty was spared, upon his promising, the following year, to print his recantation. But, instead of being as good as his word (a thing he scorns), the next year he doubled his diligence, and, with a brutishness as natural to his own dear self as one beast is like another, in a scurrilous libel, posted upon the gates and posts of the kingdom, challeng’d me to meet and debate our controversies before the Colledge; but I thank you kindly, when I came to the point in earnest, he refus’d it, and therefore I published my late reply and his picture, which here follows, to let the world know how causelessly the brute had abused me; and what a prodigious conjurer they had of their beloved Cumpsty, who, for all his noise, having lost his help-mate, R. White, who use to help to compose his yearly nonsence, the last year he was forced to wait till mine was published, to steal my observations; and this year must do the like, or else give over the trade, unless his Archimedes, or some other, help him; for he knows no more of genuine Astrology than one of his brethren, which are usually plac’t in periwig-makers windows. However, I expect he will be making more challenges, and, therefore, here before hand, tell him, that unless he do meet me, under the conditions mentioned in my late reply, and that is because his memory is treacherous (and cannot recollect the promises he made me at Mr. Foster’s, before several credible witnesses, to give me a recantation, under his hand and seal, to be printed in my almanack), that we may, before (some indifferent judge), or otherwise by our selves, meet (where, to avoid suspition of help in presence of each other), we may, with our own hands, in writing, by way of question and answer, begin at the cause, and gradually proceed to the effect, till the whole controversie be calmly debated and ended: and the same being so written, without farther correction or amendment, to be, at our joynt cost and charge, printed literally as written, to bestow upon the world, the better to judge of the matter: I say, unless he complies with these reasonable terms, I appeal to all indifferent considering men, whether or not I do him any wrong to say, that all the noise and splutter he has hitherto made, or for the future shall make, of that kind, is only to impose upon the ignorant, and to cheat the country, as he did in combining with others to impose his nonsence for the year 1697 (as aforesaid) upon the world, as the almanack of John Whalley. From my study at the Printing House, next door to the Fleece, in St. Nicholas-street, Dublin, September the 29th, 1699.”

Whalley also published an engraving of Cumpsty, whom he represented with a sheep’s head, covered by a large wig, and engaged in making astrological observations in the company of two hideous owls. The following verses are appended to this caricature, which is styled “The Picture of a Mathemaggotty Monster, to be seen at the Royal Exchange, on the Wood Quay, Dublin: or Andrew Cumpsty drawn to the Life:”

“Draw near, you Painters, who your art would grace,

View here a monster with a sheep-like face:

A monster in figure, a monster by nature too,

A monster in arts, all monstrous things can do,

None e’re did more pretend, or less e’er knew,

No baboon else, so monstrously divine,

No ape or monkey ever half so fine;

And yet in temper ruder than a swine.

To make the monster, monstrously compleat,

He wears a campaign wigg, both long and neat:

His hat is lac’d, but like a bonnet wore,

Well slouch’t behind, but cocking high before;

That he the better might survey the stars,

To learne account of plenty, peace, and wars,

Which having done, he gravely turns about

To’s brother Owles, and crys, I’ve found it out.

Found out, wise sir? the wond’ ring Owles reply’d,

Yes, friends, quoth Sheep’s-face, change of moon and tide,

And many other hidden things beside.

Ho lo, Sir! (quoth the owles) your skill is rare,

What bold pretender dare with you compare?

Compare! quoth Sheeps-face, Faith I’ll let you know,

I long to find the loon dare once do so:

Behold my shuttle by an art divine

Should make the light soon through his body shine;

Or else my globe I at his pate would throw,

To teach such sauce-jacks better manners know

You know when Whalley did attempt it once,

How oft for that, I call’d the loon a dunce:

And if he dares again (dear Owles) engage,

By scale and compass I’ll survey his rage,

And with a line of cords his sauce assuage:

Some pains he has, and more may take to show

How very little I in art do know;

But (dearest Owles) if you’ll be rul’d by me,

And lend your helping hand, you soon shall see,

I’ll make both him, and all the world beside,

Know, while I live, I’ll starry monster ride,

But if you fail, I must perforce submit

My mathematick magazine of wit;

For now, too late, I find my pen too short,

(Oh! curse upon my owlish counsel for’t).

And all the lies and noise I lately made,

At my own door, by Whalley, justly laid.”

A large pile of buildings, styled “Pudding-row,” overhanging the river at the western corner of Ormond Bridge, rendered the passage thence to the end of Winetavern street exceedingly narrow. Ormond Bridge having been swept away by a flood in 1802, a new edifice, named Richmond Bridge, was erected more to the westward, at the foot of Winetavern street, and opened to the public in 1816. “In sinking for the foundation of the south abutment of Richmond Bridge, opposite Winetavern-street, there were found in the excavations made four feet below the bed of the river at low water, several pieces of German, Spanish, and British coins; the latter of Philip and Mary, and Elizabeth, together with cannon balls, about twelve pounders, pike-heads, and other implements of war. These were all lying upon a stratum of sand, about seven feet thick, under which was a bed of clay, eight feet thick, which rested on the solid rock, where the foundation was laid. In sinking for a foundation for the north abutment, two very ancient, in appearance, and rudely formed boats wore discovered. These were 18 feet long from stem to stern. They were caulked with moss, and in one of these was found a large human skeleton. They were imbedded in a stratum of sand, about seven feet thick, which appeared to have been deposited, at once, by some great flood, as it was not in layers, and was perfectly free from sediment. It was further remarkable that the foundation of the old Liffey-wall was laid four feet above these boats and sand-bank, and rested upon them.” Pudding-row, together with the various unsightly edifices obstructing the passage along the banks of the river, was removed on the rebuilding of the quay-walls, under the superintendence of the Ballast Office, about 40 years ago.

At the “Bridge-foot,” contiguous to the south-western extremity of the Old Bridge, was the residence of a branch of the family of Ussher, - a name rendered illustrious throughout the learned world by the writings of James Ussher, Primate of all Ireland in the reign of Charles I. From the time of Arnold Ussher, Mayor in 1467 and 1469, members of this family ranked amongst the most important of the Dublin citizens. Christopher Ussher, Mayor in 1516, was appointed Customer and Collector of Dublin by Henry VIII.; and of his son, John Ussher, Mayor in 1561, Sir Thomas Wrothe, writing in 1564 to Sir William Cecil, observes:- “Here is one John Ussher, a zealous man in Christ’s religion, an honest man of life, and well reported of them that have to do with him. He desireth to have the costome of Dublinge (which is to be letted out Michaelmas next,) in ferme, or otherwise, as shalbe thought good, in such sorte as it wilbe let to anye other. Suer as it semith, he will serve of conscience, and that ruled by God’s worde. This citie had nede of such one, for here is yet catche that catche mayc.”

A description of the city wall, in the reign of Elizabeth, notices that the “wall of one syde of Mr. Ussher’s house to the Bridge-gate is 104 foote, the wall four foote thick, and 19 foote high, and the ground is firm; five foote high within the said wall, and the Liffey goeth hard by, and at every full sea it flows up against the said wall, being a spring tide.”

To the munificence and religious zeal of John Ussher we owe the publication of the first book ever printed in the Irish language, which was issued in 1571, with the following title:-

Aibidil gaoidheilge, agus caiticiosma .i. forcheadal nó teagart Criosdaithe maille lé hártioglubh dhairidhe don riaghal Criosdughe, is inghabhtha, dá gach aon da mbhé fómánta de reacho Dia agus na bannríoghá sa righe so, do táirngeamh as laidenn, agus as gaillbhérla go gaidheilg, la Seann o kearnith.

Erigh: creud fá gcollan tú a Thighearna? músgail: agust na teilg rin go déog. Psalm 43 uer 23.

Do buaileadh so agcló ghaoidheilge, am baile Atha chliath, as cosdar mhaighisdin Sheón urer aldarman, ós cionn an dhriochid, an 20 lá do luín. 1571.

Maille lé prímhgiléid na mór rioghna, 1571.

Of this title-page the following is a literal translation:- Irish Alphabet and catechism. Precept or instruction of a Christian, together with certain articles of the Christian rule, which are proper for every one to adopt who would be submissive to the ordinance of God and of the Queen in this kingdom: translated from Latin and English into Irish by John O’Kearney. ‘Awake: why sleepest Thou, O Lord? Arise, cast us not off for ever.’ Psalm 44, ver. 23. Printed in Irish in the town of the Ford of Hurdles (Dublin), at the cost of Master John Ussher, Alderman, at the head of the Bridge, the 20th day of June, 1571. With the privilege of the great Queen, 1571.” [It’s a bit odd that the Irish version gives Psalm 43, whereas the translation has Psalm 44. KF]

This small volume, of which but a single copy is now known to exist, consists of a translation of the Protestant Church Catechism, with an explanation of the Irish alphabet, and rules of pronunciation, compiled by John Kearney, Treasurer of St. Patrick’s Cathedral, who died about the year 1600. Alderman John Ussher, who took an active part in the public city affairs, wrote a treatise on the reformation of the management of the Staple, and, as we learn from the following letter addressed to Lord Burghley, he laboured to promote the establishment of a University in Dublin 20 years before the foundation of Trinity College:-

“Right honorable (my deuty most humbly promised) pleasethe your Honour to be advertised that wheare your L. dyrected your Ire. [A small wave appears over the “e” in “Ire”. KF] wth. me, unto the Right honorable Sr. Henry Sydney, L. Deputie of Irland, to understand his L. opinion of a boke by me devised for the reformacion of the Staple there; which boke when his L. had perused, imediately he sent for the Maior and Staplers of the cittie of Dublin, willing them yf they knewe any matter why the said device should be stayed or putt backe, to bring the same in wryting. Whear upon they consulting wth. the Burgeses of the Staple portes in Irland). wch. then by occasion wear in Dublin at Parlament) dyd make up sevne Articles of objections against the said devise, wch. being delyvered unto the L. Deputie, his L. delyvered me the same to make awnsweare unto the said objections. And having awnswared them particulerly, I redelyvered the boke into his L. and shortly after I chaunced to fall sycke of a dangerus ageue, by mean whearof ther was no reply made by the Staplers untyll a lytill while befor his L. departed herehence, so that I had not the rejoynder in redynes when his L. dearted; but now having the same in redines, and the same being perused by two of Her Maties. Pryvy Counsaile here, who hath made relacion therof unto the said L. Deputie. And now this being the tyme of the yere that the same is to be practised, or els the whole advauntage of this yeare wilbe lost, I have thoght good to advertice your L. therof, that no fawt be imputed to me. What the goodness or commoditie of the device is lyke to be, your Honour upon conference had wth. the said L. Deputie or wth. Mr. Tremain, who then was his L. Secretary, may easily conjecture. Butt I am farr deceved yf it advantage nott Her Mattie. sevne or eight thowsand powndes every yere, besyde such porcion as Her Highnes hathe graunted me of the profettes of the said device; wch porcion I mean wholy to bestow to the advancement of Goddes glory, Her Maties. honour, and utilitie of this my native countre, in erecting one College of Universitie here, whear Her Grace and your Honours. shall thinke convenient. I have here sent by this bearer the warrant wch. was made to the L. Keper for passing my grawnt under the Great Seale, wch. your Honour stayed untill ye understode the L. Deputies opinion concerning the devise; wch. patent assone as I shall receve sealed wth. the Great Seale, I will imediately resort unto your Honors. to putt the device in practice; and in the mean whyle I remayne to understand your Honours. pleasurs; wch. I beseche your L. I may knowe wth all convenient spede; for yf I begin nott to practise at Barthelme tyde, or very shortly after, ther wilbe no good done this yeare. Thus I humbly take my leve, beseching the Allmighty to encrease your L. in vertu and much honoun. From Dublin this 15th. of July Ao. Domini. 1571. - Your L. to cemmand, John Ussher.

“To the right honorable and my veray good Lord the Lord Bourughley one of the Qwenes Maties. most honoble. Privie Cownsaile.”

Further favourable testimony to the character of John Ussher occurs in the following letter from Adam Loftus, Archbishop of Dublin, to Secretary Walsingham, in 1580-1:

“It may please your honor, wheareas my verie good L. the L. Deputie, in a generallitie hath commended to your Honors of the Counsell the sutes of the citie of Dublin, a longe tyme sollicited there by Mr. Ussher, & for his better dispatche it hathe bene ordered that their peticions were sent hither to be considered by the L. Deputy and Counsell, who likinge thereof have also remitted them to the L. chancellor of this realme, to have his opinion touchinge them, wch. as I doubte not it wilbe favorable consideringe their deserte and the equitie of their sutes; so I humblie beseche your honor to be a meanes for the speedie dispatche of Mr. Ussher, and the endinge of their causes, their diligence and duetifullnes in all services are so throughly knowene unto you, and so well reported by my L. Deputy, that I nede not stande in commendacion thereof: my onely sute unto your Honor is for the speedie returne of Mr. Ussher, the cytie in these tymes standethe in suche nede of him, being a rare man bothe for honestie and religion, that we lamente his absence from us. Thus committing theire cawses to your honorable furtheraunce I humblie take leave. From St. Sepulchres the 3 of February, 1580.

• Your Honors at commendment, Ad: Dublin.

To the right honorable Sr Francis Walsighman, Knight, Hir Mats. Principall Secretary.”

John Ussher died in 1600, and was succeeded by his son Sir William Ussher, clerk of the Council, in whose house was executed the printing of the first Irish version extant of the New Testament, published with the followiug title: “Tiomna nuadh ar d-Tighearna agus ar Slanaightheora losa Criord, ar na tarruing gu firinneach as Gréidir go Gaoidheilg, re huilliam O Domhnuill. Ata so ar na chur a gclo a m-baile atha cliath, a d-tigh mhaighitrin Uilliam Uiséir chois an Droichtid, re Seón Francke. 1602.” - The New Testament of our Lord and Saviour Jesus, faithfully translated from the Greek into the Irish, by William O’Donnell. Printed at the town of the Ford of the Hurdles (Dublin), in the house of Master William Ussher, at the foot of the bridge, by John Franche, 1602.

This volume is a very small folio of 214 leaves, printed in double columns. Its translator, William O’Donnell or Daniel, had been one of the first Scholars of the University of Dublin, and was promoted in 1609 to the See of Tuam. The dedication of the work, signed William Daniell, is followed by an epistle to the reader - Do chum an leughthora, concluding with the words, “Do charuid iunmhuim a g-Criosd, Uilliam O’Domhnuill;” and in his address to James I., the translator writes as follows: “Notwithstanding that our late dreade soveraigne Elizabeth of famous memorie, (as God had richly furnished her with all princely and Christian vertues) had in conscience of her dutie, and in Christian pittie and compassion of the miserie of her subjects, affoorded many good meanes of reformation, by establishing good and wholesome lawes and statutes, and by sending over many choise and worthy persons, for the administration of justice, and maintenance of the trueth: and even in the beginning of her most happie raigne (out of her motherly care and princely bountie) provided the Irish characters and other instruments for the presse, in hope that God in mercy would raise up some to translate the Newe Testament into their mother tongue: yet hath Sathan hitherto prevailed, and still they remain Lo-ruchama, Lo-ammi, through the ignorance of our ministers, the carelessnesse of our magistrates, and the subtiltie of Antichrist and his vassals, the filthy frye of Romish seducers, the hellish firebrands of all our troubles. Yet blessed be the memorie of such as have given the first attempt to enterprise this worke, namely, Maister Nicholas Walsh, that famous Bishoppe and Martyr, Maister John Kearny, and Nehemias Donellan now Archbishop of Tuame: whose godly indevours were notwithstanding untimely cut off in God’s secret judgement, and the waight of the burden cast upon my weake shoulders, that God might manifest his power through weakenesse. Under which burden how carefully and conscionably I have groned, they onely can judge, that can confer this translation with the original Greeke, unto which I tyed my selfe, as of dutie I ought: having laboured therein in all sinceritie, as in the presence of God, the Judge of all, to expresse the text truly and fully, as neare as I could, without either detraction or addition, saving only in such places, where the necessitie of the phrase or sentense required it, (as it is usuall in all translations, that cannot attaine unto the grace and proprietie of the originall) to give the full sence. Which necessarie additions, for want of a diverse character, are compassed with these marks [ ]. And notwithstanding the manifold stumbling blocks that Sathan in his wonted malice had cast in the way, and the small encouragement that I received (such hath been the iniquitie of the times:) yet the hope of future blessings by meanes of your Majesties colledge lately erected near Dublin, (where this worke was begun and continued for a time) and the fervent zeale and Christian affection of Sir William Usher your Majesties faithfull servaunt, and Clarke of your Councell generall in your Highnesse realme of Ireland (who following the steps of his religious father, willingly undertooke the greatest part of the charges of this impression) did greatly kindle mine affection to follow the worke with all earnestnesse: and that in a time of blackenes, and darkenes and tempest, wherein all hope of proceeding was in a maner cut off by reason of the generall garboiles, and universal floud ofrebellion that overflowed the face of the kingdome.”

In 1604 Sir William Ussher published a volume of Instructions for his children, having married Isabella, second daughter of Adam Loftus, Archbishop of Dublin, and Chancellor of Ireland, his offspring by whom were as follow: Arthur Ussher, married to Judith, eldest daughter of Sir Robert Newcomen; Adam Ussher, Ulster King-at-Arms, 1632; Mary, married to William Crofton of Temple House, Sligo; Jane, married to Daniel Molyneux, Ulster King-at-Arms; Margaret, married to Sir Beverly Newcomen, Baronet; Alicia, married to Sir Thomas Phillips, of Newtownlimavady; Eleanor, married to Sir Christopher Foster; and Anne Ussher, wife of Sir Robert Meredyth, Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1618. Sir William Ussher died in 1657, and was succeeded by his grandson, Sir William Ussher of the Bridgefoot, who lived at the Castle of Grange, county of Wicklow, and died in 1671, leaving a son, Christopher, who, says a writer in 1698, “is a person of true piety, solid judgment, and great estate, and God has given him a heart to do good with it in his lifetime, for he is very eminent for his great charity, and a vast encourager of learning. I could write a folio in this gentleman’s praise, but he’s as humble as he’s rich; so I sha’nt, lest I offend his modesty: but this hint is enough to show how worthy he is of that great name he bears.” Christopher Ussher was succeeded by his son William Ussher, by the decease of whose sons - William, Henry, Christopher, and John, without issue - the family of Ussher of the Bridge-foot and Ussher’s Quay became extinct in the direct line. By various intermarriages of the female branches, the Usshers became allied to many of the principal nobility and chief families of Ireland; and among the descendants of Arthur Ussher, son of the second Sir William Ussher of the Bridge-foot, may be enumerated the late Duke of Wellington and the present Duke of Leinster.

Sir John Totty, Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1671, and other merchants, resided at the Bridge-foot towards the middle of the 17th century. In 1670 a wooden bridge, at some distance to the westward of the old one, was built across the Liffey, but being found to interfere with the interest in a ferry which had previously plied in the same locality, a number of apprentices assembled riotously for the purpose of destroying the new erection; 20 of them were, however, seized and committed to the Castle; “but afterwards, as a guard of soldiers were conveying them to Bridewell, they were rescued, and four of them killed in the fray, from which accident it took the name of Bloody Bridge.” After the erection of the Barracks an unsuccessful attempt was made to change this name to “Barrack Bridge,” but the structure, over which vehicles are not now permitted to pass, still retains the appellation of the “Bloody Bridge.”

Between the Old Bridge and the “Bloody Bridge” a new structure, styled Arran Bridge, was erected in 1681. The river seems to have formerly encroached considerably upon the ground now known as “Ussher’s Island,” a large portion of which was leased in 1685 by Christopher Ussher to Sir William Ellis, attainted after the Revolution. Ussher’s Quay appears to have been formed about the reign of George I., at which period it was inhabited by persons of rank and distinction, as Theobald Taaffe, fourth Earl of Carlingford, and Lady Frances Brudenel, Countess of Newburgh. The latter was the daughter of Francis Lord Brudenel, son and heir apparent of Robert, and brother of George, Earls of Cardigan. She was eulogized under the name of “Myra” in several poems by George Granville, Earl of Lansdowne; and after the death, in 1694, of her first husband, Charles Livingston, second Earl of Newburgh, she married Richard Bellew, who, adhering to the cause of James II., had brought to France, under his command, the regiment styled the King of England’s Dismounted Dragoons. On being supplanted in the command of this corps by Brigadier Thomas Maxwell, Colonel Bellew returned to Ireland, and, having renounced the Roman Catholic religion, assumed, as Lord Bellew, in 1705, his seat in the House of Peers, and obtained a pension of £300 per annum; which after his decease, in 1714, was enjoyed by his widow, who subsequently married Sir Thomas Smith, Ranger of the Phhoenix Park, uncle to Dr. William King, Principal of St Mary’s Hall, Oxford, who, becoming involved in a lawsuit with his relatives, published in 1736 a satire, depicting the Countess and her associates in the most hideous colours. Lady Newburgh died in 1736, at her house on Ussher’s Quay; on which, about the same period, resided Serjeant Richard Malone, whose father, Richard Malone of Baronston, county of Westmeath, born in 1674, was, while student in the Temple, employed by the “interest of his early friend, Ruvigny, Lord Galway, as a negociator in Holland, and managed the business committed to his charge so successfully, that on his return to England King William expressed himself highly satisfied with his conduct, and honoured him with a substantial mark of his favour. He was called to the Irish Bar about the year 1700, and was one of the most eminent barristers that hare ever appeared in Ireland, no one of his own time coming into competition with him, except his son Anthony, who was thought by many to have surpassed him.” Malone’s family was originally Roman Catholic; and a violent Whig historian, writing in 1735 of the Tory Dr. Sacheverell’ss preaching on the 30th of January, 1715, says:- ” One Malone, a Popish lawyer, being behind the organ in St. Andrew’s Church, where the Doctor preach’d, and taking notes, it was observ’d by that sober divine’s sober mob, who, supposing he was a Whig, got about him, and were going to lay violent hands on him, but the Irish lawyer declaring himself to be a Papist, Dr Sacheverell sent his servants, who convey’d him safe through their master’s house, or ‘tis thought he had been torn to pieces.”

In some fugitive verses on the Irish Bar in 1730, Richard Malone’s change of religion is alluded to as follows:

There’s old Dick Malone,

Though in barrister’s gown,

Talks reason and law with a grace, sir,

Yet without Bar he stays,

Tho’ he’s merit to raise,

But converts ne’er change their first place, sir.”

Referring to other Roman Catholic lawyers who had also conformed to the Established Church, the same writer remarks:

“There’s many more lads,

Who’s faith, if their dads

Did but hear them on Popish acts prate, sir,

Talk of criminal Papists

As if they were Atheists,

They’d say they were turn-coats of State, sir.”

Richard Malone is said “to have somewhat resembled Sir Robert Walpole; but was handsomer and better made than that eminent statesman. His person and deportment were graceful and engaging; his countenance was placid, yet expressive, and his voice strong and sweet. In any cause in which he was engaged he was so strenuous and ardent, that when he was defeated his clients acquiesced without murmuring, from a conviction that nothing was lost for want of ability or exertion. In stating cases he peculiarly excelled, and was no less happy in his addresses to juries, whose passions he could at all times wind to his purpose. His knowledge in the most subtle and profound parts of the law, and his accuracy in drawing pleadings, both in law and equity, were equal to his elocution, which was of the first rate. Thus endowed and accomplished, he continued in possession of full business at the Bar, and at the head of his profession, till December, 1744, and died of the gout in his stomach, after a few days’ illness, 6th January, l744-5.”

Malone’s son, Richard, born on the 13th of November, 1706, was called to the Bar in 1730, chosen Member for the borough of Fore in 1741, and appointed second Sergeant-at-law in 1750. His death took place in 1759, at his house oil Ussher’s Quay, where also was the residence of Peter Daly, the most eminent Connacht lawyer of his day, fourth son of Denis Daly of Carrownekelly, county of Galway, appointed a Privy Councillor and Second Justice of the Court of Common Pleas by James II., whose confidence he betrayed by maintaining a secret correspondence with the Williawites.

Counsellor Peter Daly died in 1757, leaving three daughters and co-heiresses - Honora, married to the fourth Viscount Kingsland; Anastasia, married, first, to Charles Daly, of Callin, county of Galway, and secondly to Francis Thomas, Earl of Kerry; and Mary Daly, married to Thomas, Earl of Louth.

From the “London Tavern” on Ussher’s Quay, in 1737, the Athlone stage-coach used to start on Thursday mornings at 8 o’clock; and one of the four public city cranes for butter was kept on this quay in the middle of the last century.

Sir Martin Archer Shee, late President of the Royal Academy of London, is stated to have been born in 1769 on Ussher’s Quay, where resided Dr. John Carpenter, Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin (1770-1786), and Surgeon William Dease, 1781-1793.

About 1707, a Presbyterian meeting-house was erected on a plot of ground called “Ussher’s Garden,” at the rere of Ussher’s Quay, on the western extremity of a passage thence styled the “Meeting-house Yard.” The first minister of this body is supposed to have been the Rev. Henry Hook, succeeded in 1713 by the Rev. James Arbuckle, after whose death in 1720 the Rev. Mr. Gray became pastor here till the appointment in 1734 of the Rev. Robert M’Master, author of an essay, published in 1731, to prove that the 25th of December is not the anniversary of Christ’s Nativity, and that the keeping of that day, and the general mode of its observance, are highly dishonourable to the name of the Redeemer. The Rev. Robert M’Master died about the year 1751, and was succeeded by the Rev. Mr. Beath, as pastor, 1744-1754; Rev. Mr. Vance, 1756-1772; Rev. James Caldwell, 1763-1783; Rev.W. Wilson, 1780-1787; Rev. Hugh Moore, 1780-1824; Rev. W. D. H. M.‘Ewen, 1808-1813; and the Rev. Samuel Simpson, appointed in 1815. The Congregation of Ussher’s Quay removed in January, 1848, to their newly erected place of worship on Ormond Quay, and their original building in the “Meeting-house Yard” is now used as a store.

In the middle of the last century a row of large trees extended from Arran Bridge to within about 250 of the Bloody Bridge, along the southern side of Ussher’s Island, the most important building upon which was Moira House,” the residence of the Rawdons, a family first established in Ireland in the reign of Charles I. by Sir George Rawdon, whose services in the royal cause were recompensed in 1665 by the baronetcy of Moira, county of Down, anciently styled Maygh Rath, or the Plain of the Rath, and rendered memorable by an engagement fought there in the seventh contury, the original Gaelic narrative of which has been published by the Irish Archaeological Society.

The mansion on Ussher’s Island was ornamented and embellished in a style of great splendour by Healy, a Dublin artist, engaged by Sir John Rawdon, the fourth Baronet, who was born in 1720, created Earl of Moira in 1762, and married, firstly, to Helena Percival, daughter of the Earl of Egmont; secondly, to Anne Trevor, sister of the Earl of Hillsborough; and thirdly, to Elizabeth Hastings, eldest daughter of Theophilus, Earl of Huntingdon.

Floubert, commander of the French troops landed by Thurrot at Carrickfergus in 1760, passed some days at Moira House later in the same year, on his journey to France, after having recovered from his wounds John Wesley tells us that he visited Lady Moira on Ussher’s Island in 1775, “and was surprized to observe though not a more grand, yet, a far more elegant room than any he had ever seen in England. It was an octogon, about 20 feet square, and 15 or 16 high, having one window (the sides of it inlaid throughout with mother-of-pearl) reaching from the top of the room to the bottom; the ceiling, sides, and furniture, of the room were equally elegant. “And,” adds Wesley, “must this too pass away like a dream?” In 1777 Charles James Fox was introduced to Henry Grattan at Moira House, which was the scene of constant magnificent entertainments and assemblies, till the death of the first Earl of Moira, in June, 1793.

“Lord Moira,” says Hardy, “was ones of Lord Charlemont’s earliest friends, and for many years his Parliamentary coadjutor in the House of Peers He was a scholar, well versed in ancient as well as modern literature; possessed of much and truly useful information, which he communicated with peculiar agreeableness, for his diction was remarkable for its facility and purity, and his conceptions clear and unembarrassed; he was a constant reader; in truth, few men of any rank read so constantly; his studies loaned much to scientific subjects, and those of natural history, which he well understood. He was very conversant also in the polite arts, and his library, to which every one had access, was a noble collection of books, the most useful, as well as the most agreeable. In politics he was a Whig, of true revolution principles, that is, attached to monarchy and the people. From the moment that he first took his seat in the House of Lords to the close of his life (a long period), his conduct was that of a truly independent Peer. He often opposed, he never attempted to vilify or debase, the Government. With many of the Lord Lieutenants he lived on terms of intimacy or civility; but, I believe, never once asked a favour from one of them. With an elocution the most unembarrassed, as I have already stated, but adapted, perhaps, more to society than public life, and with general political knowledge, he very seldom spoke in Parliament; on one or two occasions he was forced, by idle asperity, to assert himself; he did so, with a just spirit and his usual good manners. In the earlier part of his life he had lived much abroad, or in England, in the best company of the older part of the court of George the Second, and to his last hour retained the agreeable and polished manners of that society; in this respect, indeed, it is not easy to do him justice: there was nothing artificial, nothing forced, in his good breeding; - it was a courtesy always flowing, never wearying, directed to every one, but still measured; never losing sight of the humblest as well as the highest in his company, never displaying his rank, and never departing from it. Lord Charlemont used often to say that he was one of the best bred men of his age. He had, like other men, his foibles, but they were slight, and too often magnified by illiberality, ignorance, and adulation of ministerial power, but there was not one gentleman (I lay claim to that word only as our ancestors understood and limited the use of it) in either House of Parliament, or out of Parliament, who, if acquainted with him, did not regard and respect him. His house will be long, very long, remembered; it was for many years the seat of refined hospitality, of good nature, and good conversation; in doing the honors of it, Lord Moira had certainly one advantage above most men, for he had every assistance that true magnificence, the nobleness of manners peculiar to exalted birth, and talents for society the most cultivated could give him, in his illustrious Countess.”

“Upwards of 60 years ago,” says a writer in 1848, “I was, during my early youth, a frequent guest at ‘Moira House,’ a princely dwelling, situated on Ussher’s Island, which, at that time, was a more fashionable quarter of Dublin than it is in the present day. It was then inhabited by the Earl and Countess of Moira and their family. Lady Moira (daughter of the celebrated Countess of Huntingdon) was a woman of superior intellect and acquirements, so that she delighted to gather around her all who had any pretensions to literary or professional celebrity. The family party was a large and distinguished one, comprising the late Marquis of Hastings (then General Lord Rawdon), Lord and Lady Granard, and Lord and Lady Mountcashel; in addition to whom there were two younger sons and one married daughter, all in the prime of life. My companions were among the grandsons of the Earl, and while we were busy at one end of the saloon, playing at a round game, or devising some boyish frolic, the elder ones of the party were pursuing, in the same apartment, occupations or amusements more suitable to their years. But the aged Countess was never too much engaged with her brilliant circle to omit attending to the enjoyment of her younger guests, in whose recreation she took a kind and lively interest.”

Francis, second Earl of Moira, born in 1754, entered the British army as a lieutenant of grenadiers, and having gained high distinction at Bunker’s Hill and other engagements in America, was in his 23rd year appointed Adjutant-General of the forces there under Sir Henry Clinton. After acquiring great reputation for courage and military knowledge in the American war, he was, on his return to Great Britain, created a peer of England and appointed Aide-du-camp to the King. In 1793 Lord Moira was intrusted with the command of the French emigrants intended to co-operate with the Vendeans; on the abandonment of which project he received an appointment under the Duke of York in the Pays Bas, but was superseded by General Abercrombie. Lord Moira was a strenuous advocate of Parliamentary Reform and Roman Catholic Emancipation, and at his mother’s mansion on Ussher’s Island he frequently entertained Wolfe Tone, William Todd Jones, William Sampson, Thomas Russell, and others of their party who laboured to advance those objects.

The Catholic Delegates, on their arrival at London in 1792, were most hospitably received by Lord Moira, who, in the event of the Minister declining to admit them, intended, as a peer, to have claimed an audience from the King. In November, 1797, Lord Moira in the English Parliament denounced the system of torture and coercion practised by the Ministers in Ireland; and in February, 1798, in the Irish house of Peers, with great eloquence and humanity, he again endeavoured to arrest the cruelties by which the insurrection of the populace was precipitated. The details brought forward by Lord Moira of the Government atrocities were acquitted from the revelations of the penitent informer, Bird; and through the labours of a society instituted by William Sampson, comprising the “most distinguished men in Ireland; such as Grattan, the Ponsonbys, Curran, Fletcher, the brave old Montgomery, with some otters of the patriotic Members of Parliament, and uncorrupted lawyers, and certain of the influential Catholics and merchants, whose credit and correspondence were necessary to the object in view, which was to collect true and authenticated facts, to be opposed as a bulwark to falsehood and national calumny, and possibly by their great enormity to appal those immediately responsible; or, if there was any wisdom or justice beyond them, to force conviction there. By this Society, I,” adds Sampson,” was named Historiographer, and my brother Corresponding Secretary. We had proceeded for some time, in despite of the reigning terror, with effect: and never were more tragical stories wrested from oblivion.” In consequence of his opposition, the Government party became exceedingly violent against the Earl. General Lake was reported to have declared that as some town should be burned in the North, the best to begin with would be Lord Moira’s; whose apprehensions became thence so serious, that he transmitted to England his family library, which was one of the most valuable collections in the empire.

Among the victims of Lord Carhampton s persecution during the Irish reign of terror was Lord Moira’s chaplain, the Reverend Edward Berwick a clergyman of the most humane and philanthropic character, author of the “Life of Scipio Africanus,” and editor of the “Rawdon Papers. To Berwick, who died in 1825, we are also indebted for the preservation of the transcript of Swift’s correspondence with Vanessa, which, at one period, was believed to have perished.

When Lord Edward Fitzgerald, who had served under the Earl of Moira in America, was obliged to seek concealment, the Lady Pamela became the guest of the Dowager Countess of Moira; and arrangements were made for his safe conduct to visit his wife at “Moira House” on the night of the 17th of May, 1798, before his final plunge into a struggle, the issue of which, says his biographer, “must even to himself have been so doubtful.” “On the very morning of that day, the active Town-Major, Sirr, had received information that a party of persons, supposed to be Lord Edward Fitzgerald’s body-guard, would be on their way from Thomas-street to Ussher’s Island at a certain hour that night. Accordingly, taking with him a sufficient number of assistants for his purpose, and accompanied also by Messrs. Ryan and Emerson, Major Sirr proceeded at the proper time to the quarter pointed out, and there being two different ways, (either Watling-street or Dirty-lane,) by which the expected party might come, divided his force so as to intercept them by either road. A similar plan having happened to be adopted by Lord Edward’s escort, there took place, in each of these two streets, a conflict between the parties; and Major Sirr, who had almost alone to bear the brunt in his quarter, was near losing his life. In defending himself with a sword which he had snatched from one of his assailants, he lost his footing and fell; and had not those with whom he was engaged been much more occupied with their noble charge than with him, he could hardly have escaped. But their chief object being Lord Edward’s safety, after snapping a pistol or two at Sirr, they hurried away.”

The leader of this party was Lord Edward’s confidential agent, William Putnam Mac Cabe, who had been most active in disseminating revolutionary doctrines, and enrolling United Irishmen. The intrepidity evinced by him on all occasions was equalled by his extraordinary faculty of assuming various characters and disguises, and one of his intimate friends avowed that he met M’Cabe in 20 different places in Wexford in 1798, and did not recognise him, until he chose each time to discover himself. At the close of the struggle between Lord Edward’s guard and Major Sirr’s satellites, Mac Cabe, having been arrested by the latter, was conveyed to the Prevost prison, and on being examined described himself as a Scotch weaver, who had come to Dublin in search of employment. “On his person a pistol was discovered, the fellow to which was afterwards found on the table of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, a circumstance which was never noticed at the time, but was related long after by Mac Cabe. The Prevost prison was at that time guarded by the Dumbarton Fencibles. He was not many hours in confluement when he persuaded the serjeant of the guard that he had worked in his father-in-law’s muslin manufactory in Glasgow, told to each Scotch soldier, and particularly to the wives of some of them, such anecdotes about himself, herself; or their family, as he could learn from one and another of them; and so worked on them, that in the course of a few hours a memorial was drawn up on his behalf, and presented to Mr. Secretary Cooke, stating that their countryrnan, then a prisoner in the Prevost, on suspicion of being a traitor, was a decent industrious lad, well known and respected in Glasgow. This document was signed by a number of men of the Dumbarton Fencibles, and such was the interest used by the Scotchmen for the liberation of their supposed countryman, that an order for Mac Cabe’s freedom was granted. Information arrived two days afterwards at the Castle from the county of Longford, communicating the important intelligence, that the man Mac Cabe, whom they had been so long searching for, was at that moment in their custody, under a feigned name, and pretending to be a muslin manufacturer from Glasgow. Never had Major Sirr been so completely baffled as upon this occasion, and it is believed, that when many years afterwards he held Mac Cabe as a prisoner in Kilmainham, he used whatever interest he then possessed for the purpose of prolonging his captivity, and of adding to its bitterness.”

Lady Pamela Fitzgerald was at “Moira House” on the evening of her husband’s arrest. Writing from Castletown two days after that event, Lady Louisa Connolly says: “As soon as Edward’s wound was dressed, he desired the private secretary at the Castle to write for him to Lady Edward, and to tell her what had happened. The secretary carried the note himself. Lady Edward was at ‘Moira House,’ and a servant of Lady Mountcashell’s came soon after, to forbid Lady Edward’s servants saying anything to her that night. The next morning Miss Napier told Lady Edward, and she bore it better than she expected; but Mr. Napier, who went to town, brought us word that her head seemed still deranged, and that no judgment could yet be formed about her.”

Lady Pamela - “a stranger, an orphan herself, lovely in her appearance, great in her character, persecuted, ruined ”- experienced from the Countess of Moira a degree of kindness which, according to Colonel Napier, “surpassed, in every sense of the word, that of common mothers,” and she continued to reside at “Moira House” till obliged by an order of the Privy Council to retire to England, where she became the guest of the Duke of Richmond.

Lord Moira strenuously opposed and protested in the House of Peers against the Union, after which he continued to take an active part in English politics, till appointed, in 1813, Governor General of India, his administration of which, as Marquis of Hastings, was distinguished by the subjection of the Mahrattas and Pindarees.

After the withdrawal of Lord Moira from Dublin, the mansion on Ussher’s Island was occupied by the Dowager Countess, who is stated to have been a woman of noble mind, possessed not only of good but great sentiments, and entertaining notions not of family but of royal consequence. Moore speaks of her as the “enlightened friend of Ireland,” and tells us that he derived the subjects of some of his Melodies from certain translations from the Irish, executed under her direction.

“Moira House,” which was maintained as a family mansion for some years subsequent to the death of the Countess in 1808, was let in 1826 to the Governors of the Institution for the suppression of Mendicancy in Dublin. Under the superintendence of this body, the upper story of the edifice was taken off, the magnificent internal decorations removed, the handsome gardens covered with offices; and every measure adopted to render it a fitting receptacle for the most wretched paupers - thus verifying Wesley’s presage that the splendours of “Moira House” were destined to pass away like a dream.

Gilbert Index