Annals from 1169 to 1173, list of adventurers.

**

CHAP X*** *

The history of the city of Dublin continued, from the arrival of the English in 1169, to the settlement of it under that power in 1173.** **

Henry II. king of England, from the beginning of his reign was animated with a strong ambition to reduce Ireland under his obedience, partly on account of the many injuries done to his subjects by piracies (Cox’s Hist. Ireland, vol. 1. p. 1.), but principally as frequent aids were sent from thence against him in his wars with France (MS. College of Dublin). For this end he summoned a council of his great men at Winchester (Tyr. Hist. V. 2. Lib. 5. p. 300) in 1155** **to consult upon measures for carrying these his designs into execution: but the attempt was then looked upon to be so hazardous, that it was for the present laid aside, and be contented himself with procuring a bull (Pryn’s Pap. Usurp. v. 1. p. 709.) from pope Adrian to licence his invasion of that kingdom upon a favourable opportunity, which in a few years after presented itself.

Dermod Mac-Murrough, alias Kevenagh, king of Leinster, a lustful and ambitious prince, having by arms obliged O-Neill, 0-Melaghlin, O-Carroll, and other Irish princes to give him hostages, grew so insolent at his great successes, that he became oppressive (Geral. Camb. cab. 1. cap. 1.) to his subjects and injurious to his neighbours, and more especially by a rape committed by him in the year 1167 on Dervorgille, wife of O-Roirk, king of Breffiny, who was daughter to O-Melaghlin king of Meath; whereupon he was invaded by his enemies, and abandoned by his subjects and tributaries, particularly by Murrogh O-Birne (Maurice Regan),. Asculph Mac-Torcall, king of Dublin, and Daniel, prince of Ossory, and after many defeats was obliged to forsake his country, and throw himself at the feet of king Henry (then in Aquitain) and crave his protection and assistance, offering to become his liege-man, and to serve him faithfully during his life.

The king of England, being engaged in his French wars: was disabled from affording him any present succour; but having taken from him an oath of allegiance, he by letters patent (Giral. Cambr. lib. 1. cap. 1.) granted a general licence to all his subjects to aid and assist king Dermod in the recovery of his kingdom. This happened in the year 1168.

With this Encouragement king Dermod returned to England, and at Bristol published the king’s letters, and his own overtures of great entertainment to such as would assist him. Richard de Clare, earl of Strigul and Pembroke (commonly called Strongbow from his excellence in archery) was a man of great abilities and power (MS. College.), of a high and conspicuous birth, magnanimous, but infinitely profuse, which had reduced his large estate to such a narrow condition, that having almost exhausted his patrimony, he was beyond measure obnoxious to his creditors, and from thence most ready to embrace all motions that promised any means of extricating himself from his difficulties.

He was charmed with the proposals of the king of Leinster, and wanted nothing but king Henry’s special licence (Regan MS) to engage abaolutely with him; which, if he could obtain, he stipulated to assist him in person, and with sufficnet aids to restore him to his kingdom. On the other hand, the exiled king covenanted to give him his daughter Eva to wife, and with her the reversion of the kingdom of Leinster.

Fired with these hopes, king Dermod returned home, and wintered privately at Ferns among the clergy there (Giral. Cambr. lib. 1. cap. 2.). Yet, growing impatient at the delays in the execution of earl Strongbow’s engagement, on account of king Henry’s special licence not yet obtained, early in the apring 1169 he dispatched (Regan) his prime minister, Maurice Regan, called, *this truly servant and interpreter, *(from whose history of these transactions, and from that of another contemporary witness, Giraldus Cambrensis, this account is chiefly gathered) into Wales, with authority in his name to promise to all who would serve him in his wars in Ireland, large recompenses in lands of inheritance, or good entertainment in money or cattle to such who should decline settling in the country.

Robert Fitz-Stephens (a man of prime account in Wales, and who had been lately enlarged out of prison by king Rhees. at Dermod’s mediation) undertook the service, and under his banner lifted 30 gentlemen at arms, who were his own kinsmen, threescore men in jacks or light coats of mail, and about 300 archers and footmen. There also engaged in the same adventure, Maurice de Prendergast, with 10 gentlemen at arms, and a good number of archers, and Maurice Fitz-Gerald, with 10 gentlemen likewise at arms, 30 horsemen, and about 100 archers. To these may be added Hervey of Mount-Maurice, Robert de Barry, Miler Fitz-Henry, and Miler Fitz-David, son to the bishop of St. Davids; but the numbers in their retinue are not mentioned.

This army, small indeed for so great an enterprize, landed (Regan) at Bannow-bay, not far from Wexford in May 1169; from whence they immediately dispatched messengers to king Dermod, notifying their arrival, and were speedily joined by him, his natural son, Donald Kevanagh, and a good body of forces. With these they reduced Wexford, twice chastised the king of Ossory, plundered the country of O-Felan, brought O-Tool, and others to submission, and obliged them to give hostages for their future loyalty. We only mention these actions, briefly in order to connect them with the affairs of the city of Dublin, with which we shall now proceed.

King Dermod, animated with these successes, persuaded his new allies to turn their arms against Dublin, alleging, that the reducing of that important place would lay a foundation for the conquest of the whole kingdom. But private revenge was the motive (Giral. Camb. lib. 1. cap. 22.) to this undertaking, for the citizens had long before, under colour of friendship, invited Dermod’s father to an entertainment, and getting him into their power, under pretence of some former injuries, basely murdered him and contemptuously buried his body in a dunghill with a dog; from which time they cast off their allegiance to their prince and continued in a state of rebellion under their own petty king Asculph Mac-Torcall.

Leaving a small body of forces, with Fitz-Stephen (who was employed in erecting a fort at Carrig (Regan), two miles from Wexford, in order to bridle that fickle town, which was for the most part inhabited by Ostmen) king Dermod and his new allies put themselves upon their march to Dublin, and entering the borders of the territories thereof, they burned, spoiled and wasted the fame, and the whole country adjoining. The citizens finding their inability to resits, sued for peace, which they obtained upon swearing fealty, and giving sufficient hostages for their future obedience; which done, Asculph was continued in the government of the city.

This train of successes inspired king Dermod with higher undertakings, and he consulted with the English adventurers how he might recover the monarchy of Ireland, which some of his ancestors formerly enjoyed, and to which he pretended a title: and they advised him once more to sollicit earl Strongbow to make good his former engagements, he therefore wrote to the earl (Giral. Camb. lib. cap. 12.), and put him in mind, that the year was already spent without seeing him.

The earl, upon receipt of Dermod’s letters, perceiving what feats the small body of English forces had achieved in Ireland, conceived great hopes of the undertaking, and determined to make the attempt but first he hastened to the king, who was still in Normandy, and intreated him for licence to seek his fortune in Ireland.

The king, wearied with importunity, gave him such an answer, as the earl interpreted to amount to a licence, and returning to Wales, he dispatched Reymond le Gross, with nine or 10 knights, and some foot, (Cambrensis says 70 archers) to keep up Dermod’s spirits till his arrival, which he promised should be without delay. Reymond landed near Waterford in spring 1170, and having cast up a slight intrenchment, he had considerable success (Regan) against a strong party of the inhabitants of that city, supported** **by the prince of Ossory, Mac-Phelan off Osselan, and O-Ryan of Odrone, attended with an army of three or four thousand men. But he maintained his’ ground in his fortress of sods till earl Strongbow landed in August following.

This noble adventurer brought with him 200 men at arms, and a thousand others, as Cambrensis says, but Maurice Regan increases the number to fifteen or sixteen hundred soldiers. With* *these he immediately assaulted Waterford; and after two repulses made himself master of the town, not without a considerable slaughter of the citizens.

King Dermod and all the English adventurers joined earl Strongbow at Waterford; where, according to compact, the marriage between the cart and Eva was solemnised.

In the mean time, the citizens of Dublin (Regan. Giral. Cambr. lib 1. cap. 16.) had again revolted, and it was determined in council to chastise them. While preparations were making for this purpose’ Roderick O-Connor, king of Conaught, and monarch of Ireland, had raised an** **army of 30,000 horse and foot, with a resolution to impeach the intended enterprize against Dublin.

In pursuance of which, he encamped with the main body of his forces at Clondalkin, three or four miles from Dublin, and guarded all the passes through the mountains with strong detachments. King Dermod laid the difficulties of the attempt before his confederates; but they judged, that to draw back would give such a reputation to the arms of the king of Ireland, as would be little short of a foil [soil? KF]; and therefore it was resolved in council to proceed. Miles de Cogan, an officer of great valour, marched in the van with a regiment of 700 men, supported by Donald Kavenagh, natural son to king Dermod, and a strong body of Irish. Reymond le Gross led the battle with a regiment of 800 English, supported by king Dermod and 1,000 Irish. The rere was brought up by 3,000 English, headed by earl Strongbow, and supported by a strong regiment of Irish. Their orderly march so appaled the enemy, that they gave way without making any opposition, and the king of Ireland, by advice his council, dissolved his army and returned home.

This is the account given by Maurice Regan (who was then in the army, and on the score of his prudence sent from thence to summon Dublin) which we choose to follow, rather than the relation of Cambrensis, who says, that the confederates gave the Irish army the slip, marched through the mountains of Glandelogh, and got safe to Dublin. This would be to expose themselves between two armies, or (as it is now called) between two fires, which the English were better experienced soldiers than to run the hazard of.

Maurice Regan was dispatched to summon the town, and to demand 30 hostages for the better assurance of king Dermod. Asculph Mac-Torcall, fearing the issue of a siege (Regan), was ready to submit to the terms; but the citizens disagreeing in the choice of the hostages, the time allotted for the treaty expired, of which Miles de Cogan took advantage, and, without any command from king Dermod or the earl, made himself master of the town with great slaughter.

The soldiers got good spoil from the rich townsmen, and Asculph and many of the Ostmen citizens escaped by means of their shipping in the harbour. The same day (being the 21st of September 1170) king Dermod and the earl made their entry into Dublin, wherein they found great abundance of provisions A few days after Dermod returned to Ferns, and the earl about Michaelmas marched to Waterford with a part of his forces, leaving Dublin under the command of Miles de Cogan, who may truly be called the first Englith governor of it.

King Dermod died (Regan ibid. Giral. Camb. lib. I. cap. 20.) at Ferns in May 1171, and most of the Irish nobility forsook the earl, except Donald Kavenagh, and two or three others.

In the mean time, the news of these fortunate successes had reached the ears of king Henry (ms. College), who was jealous of Strongbow, and thought himself robbed of the glory of so great a conquest. He therefore not only confiscated all the earl’s estate both in England and Wales, but by proclamation (Giral. Camb. lib. 1. p. 10) prohibited all his subjects from importing provisions or stores into Ireland, and further commanded such of them as were already in that kingdom to return home by a certain day.

This proclamation, and the news that O-Connor, king of Ireland, bad levied an army with an intent to besiege Dublin, brought the earl back both to defend the town, and to consult of means to appease the king’s anger. O-Connor invested the city with an army of 60,000 men. He himself took up his poat at Castleknock and Finglas, Mac-Dunleve, king of Ulster, encamped at Clontarf, O-Bryen, king of Munster, at Kilmainham, and Moriertach, prince of Kinsellagh, at Dalky, waiting for the are rival of Asculph, who was expected with a fleet and a considerable number of forces from the isle of Man, and the Orcades; by which means, all access to the city would be ‘hut up. But he came too late.

Dublin being thus invested with a numerous army, and within but weakly provided either with men or victuals for defence, the stores taken with the city being much consumed; nevertheless, bore the siege for two months. But then, all necessaries failing, earl Strongbow called a council, and laying before them the scantiness of their provisions, and the little hopes of relief from abroad, especially as king Henry had prohibited his subjects from sending them any aid, he advised to send to king Roderick, and propose a treaty, and that he should offer to submit himself unto him, become his man, and hold Leinster of him as a feudatory province.

This council was* *approved, and Laurence, archbishop of Dublin, was commissioned to treat with Roderick. But he, knowing the difficulties the garrison laboured under, and not doubting but he should carry the town by assault, insisted upon much more exorbitant terms, and therefore willed the archbishop to tell the besieged, that unless the earl would surrender up into his hands the city of Dublin, and also Waterford and Wexford, together with all his castles, and at a day prefixed abandon Ireland, and return home with his English forces, that he would without delay give the assault, and made no doubt of carrying the city by storm.

These high demands of the Irish monarch being reported to the council, they, by the advice of Miles de Cogan, resolved upon a sudden sally, hoping for success from the unexpectedness of the attempt. Miles de Cogan, at his own request, commanded the van-guard, consisting of 200 chosen men; Reymond le Gross put himself at the head of the battle, consisting of 200 also; and the earl advanced in the rere with the like number. They directed their march to Finglas, where Roderick lay encamped, and made such an unexpected and vigorous onset, that all slew before them. They slew 1,500 of the enemy, and took many prisoners, with the loss of only one English footman (Regan). The king himself escaped with some difficulty; for at the time of the first onset he was in a bath (Giral. Camb. lib. 1. cap. 25) on account of some bodily indisposition. This overthrow so discouraged the rest of the Irish, who had beleaguered the city in divers parts, that they abandoned the siege, arid the town was relieved in its greatest extremity. For in the enemy’s camp were found great store of baggage (Regan), and such quantities of corn, meal and pork, as were sufficient to victual the city for a year.

The siege of Dublin being thus raised, the earl found himself at liberty to march a part of his forces to the relief of Fitz-Stephen, who had been closely besieged in his castle of Carrig,* *near Wexford. But all correspondence having been cut off between him and his friends in Dublin, he had aurrendered before their arrival.

From Waterford earl Strongbow sailed to England, to appease the king;* and he offered him all the acquisitions he had made in Ireland, either by the sword or marriage. It was agreed (Giral. Camb. lib. 1. cap. 29), *that the earl should recognize the king as sovereign lord, and should surrender to him the city of Dublin, with the adjacent cantreds, the maritime towns of Leinster, the city of Waterford, and all castles, and should acknowledge to hold the remainder of the king and his heirs.

In the mean time, Asculph Mac-Torcall took advantage of the earl’s absence, and arrived in the harbour of Dublin with a fleet of 60 sail, and 10,000 soldiers (Regan ib.), levied in the isle of Man, the Orcades and Norway, full of hopes to recover Dublin, and his former greatness. He was attended in this expedition by John le Dene (called John Wood, i. e. John the Mad by Cambrensis) (Cap. 21), a man of great estimations for military prowess; and with him came a good body of Norwegians. No time was lost in landing their men; for they hoped to surprise the city, and carry it by a sudden assault. But the governor, Miles de Cogan, was not wanting in his preparations for a vigorous desence.

Near Dublin lived an Irish petty prince, named Gillemoholmock (Regan), who was at peace and good neighbourhood with the English, and his histages were at that time with Cogan. This petty king came to offer his service in defence of the city. But Cogan insisted that he should stand aloof, as a neuter, in some quarter where he might see the action, and if the enemy fled, that he should cut off their retreat to their tshipping, and help the English to kill them; but if the English gave ground, that he should fall upon them, and put as many of them to the sword as he could to prevent their dying by the hands of their enemies. Upon the performance of these conditions, which Gillemoholmock swore to, Cogan promised him to deliver up his hostages.

John Ic Dene made a furious assault on the east gate, then called the gate of St. Mary les Dames, from a nunnery of that name in the neighbourhood of it; but he was repulsed by Miles de Cogan, and 500 of the Norwegians fell in the action, and great numbers of them were drowned. It is reported by Maurice Regan, that John le Dene was a man of such great strength, that with one blow of an ax he cut the thigh of an horseman asunder, and the leg fell to the ground. During the action at the east gate, Richard de Cogan, by direction of his brother, sallied out of the south gate, (then called pole-gate, at the end of St. Werburgh-street) with a body of 300 horse, and taking a circuit round that part of the city, fell with such resolution on the enemy in flank, that they were thrown into confusion; which Miles de Cogan perceiving, he sallied out of the east gate with the greatest strength of the garrison both horse and foot, and obtained a compleat victory. As soon as the Norwegians were broken, Gillemoholmock, not unmindful of his engagements, pursued the chase with great eagerness, and slew many before they could reach their street.

The Norwegians slain in this engagement were numbered at 2,000, and only nine or ten Englishmen were lost. John le Dent fell by the hands of Miles de Cogan, and Asculph was taken prisoner by his brother; but boasting what mighty matters he would do when he obtained his liberty, Miles dc Cogan commanded him to be beheaded in sight of the fleet. Those who had escaped the sword of the English were intercepted by Gillemoholmock, before they could reach their ships, and obliged to fly dispersed into the country, where, on being odious to the natives on account of their former cruelties, they were slain in great numbers; so that of this army 2,000 did not escape, and most of their ships, homeward bound, afterwards perished by tempest.

Thus ended the power of the Ostmen in Dublin, who never after made any effort to recover their former possessions. Many of them had before incorporated with the Irish and now upon this great revolution such as remained in the city or neighbourhood became quiet subjects to the English, and by degrees one people with them.

This storm was soon followed by another (Cambrensis). For in the beginning of the year 1172, Tiernan O-Roirk, king of Brefiny, (called by Cambrensis king of Meath) taking advantage of Strongbow’s absence in En-gland, and judging that the several assaults before mentioned had much weakened the garrison of Dublin, mustered up a considerable army, and marched to besiege it. But Miles de Cogan broke all his measures by a successful sally, in which his whole army was routed, and his son and other chieftains slain.

While these things were doing, king Henry II. was preparing for a voyage into Ireland, where he arrived (Regan) near Waterford with a fleet of 240 ships on the 18th of October 1172, attended by earl Richard Strongbow, William Fitz-Aldelm, Humphry de Bohun, Hugh de Lacy, Robert Fitz-Bernard, and many other lords, earls and barons, besides 400** knights or men at arms, and 4,000 **soldiers well appointed.

The first action he did upon his landing, was to receive the investiture of the city of Waterford, and the homage of* *earl Strongbow for the kingdom of Leinster, the inheritance of which was granted to him, and he placed Robert Fitz-Bernard in the government of Waterford, where he made but a short stay, and from thence marched to Dublin, which Strongbow, according to covenant, delivered up to him, and the king committed the government thereof to Hugh de Lacy, who is called in records and history, sometimes bailiff, sometimes seneschal, and sometimes guardian or custos of Dublin.

From Dublin, the king without any delay marched into Munster, and in this journey received the submission and homage of a great many petty princes in the south, particularly of Dermod Mac-Carthy, king of Cork, Donald O-Brien, king of Limerick, Donald Mac-Gilla-Phadruick, king of Ossory, O-Phelan, prince of Decies, and many others; and at Lismore his majesty held a synod of the clergy, and gave directions for the building of a castle there, which done, he returned to Dublin.

According to Giraldus Cambrensis, the king made but one journey to Dublin, and that after the time he had received the submissions of the princes of Munster. But we choose to follow Maurice Regan, who was an eye witness of the transactions of those times: and indeed it is more probable, that the king should be in haste to proceed to Dublin (not only a town of the greatest importance in all Ireland, but also the metropolis of Leinster) in order to obtain the possession of it from earl Strongbow, of whose growing power he was exceeding jealous.

Upon the king’s return to Dublin on the 11th of November, many petty princes made their submission (Cambrensis), and swore allegiance to him in person. as Gillemoholmock, O-Chadesie, O-Carroll, king of Uriel, O-Melaghlin, king of Meath, O-Roirk, king of Brefiny, with many others. But Roderick O-Connor, king of Connaught, and monarch of all Ireland, came no nearer to Dublin than the river Shannon, and there Hugh de Lacy and William Fitz-Aldelm repaired to him by commission from king Henry, to whom he made his submission, became tributary, swore allegiance, and gave hostages for his fidelity. Thus all Ireland made a voluntary submission to the king of England, except the princes of Ulster, and they also virtually did so in the submission of the supreme monarch, Roderick.

At this time the king granted the laws of England to the people of Ireland, which were joyfully received by them all, and confirmed by the king, having first received their oaths for the observation of them (Matth. Paris, ad an. 1172’). He seems also now to have established the courts of justice, and officers for the administration of the laws in Ireland, and to have held a parliament at

Dublin: and though all the statutes at that time enacted are lost, yet the footsteps of one of them remain still in the Roll’s-office, and is recited in a statute made in a parliament held at Trim, anno 2d Richard III. (Rot. Parl. 2nd Rich. 111. Cap. 8), where it is enacted, “that the statute of Henry Fitz-Empress *(i.e. Henry II.) made for the election of a governor of Ireland, when it shall happen to be void of any lawful governor, be by the authority of this parliament, ratified and confirmed, and that Thomas Fitz-Gerald, chancellor of Ireland, Sir Roland Fitz-Eustace, treasurer of Ireland, Philip Bermingham, chief justice of the king’s bench of Ireland., Thomas Plunket, chief justice of the common pleas of Ireland, Oliver Eustace, chief baron of the exchequer of Ireland, or his deputy for the time being, Thomas Dowdall, clerk and keeper of the rolls and records of the chancery of Ireland John Estrete, the king’s serjeant at law *of Ireland, and every of them severally be adjudged to hold their several officers for their lives; and that it be lawful for you or the majority of them, as well as for all others, who shall severally hold any of the said offices, by reason of the death of any officers of the said offices, by gift under the teste of Gerald earl of Kildare, in any manner as governor of this land, according to the tenor, usage and execution of the said statute of Henry Firz-Empress, with the assent of the nobles of this land, as is specified in the same statute, upon every such avoidance to choose a noble lord to be governor, and have the government as justice of Ireland, according to antient usage, used and executed from that time, and that it shall be lawful for such governor so chosen to hold parliaments and great councils, and what they ‘hall do therein shall be good and effectual in law, as if done by any other governor in times passed. Provided that such election be made by the lords spiritual and temporal and nobles of the land.” From thence it is apparent, that king Henry II. **made laws and statutes for Ireland, and by pointing out this statute concerning government in particular (which the statute of Richard III. was then about confirming) it is no way improbable that there were other statutes then made by that monarch for Ireland, which had no relation to the election of a governor, though they are now lost. It is manifest also from this statute, that Henry II. did first institute courts of justice in Ireland, and made his officers thereof. For the words, *that they (i.e. the chancellor, treasurer, &c.) do with the assent of the nobles of the land, and according to the tenor, usage and execution of the statute of Henry Fitz-Empress, as is specified in the same statute, elect a governor, who was to have the government as justice of Ireland, according to antient usage, used and executed from that time; i.e. *from the enacting the statute of Henry Fitz-Empress; or else how could it be said in this recited statute of Richard III. that the election must be made according to the tenor of the said statute, and as it is therein specified?

And if the tenor and antient usage, and execution of that statute of Henry 11. Was, that these great officers, with the nobles shuold make an election, the consequence is undeniable, that at the time of making that statute of King Henry II. there were such officers for Ireland as a chancellor, treasurer, judges, &c. and who without all peradventure, did administer the laws of England to the subjects of Ireland, then lately received and established there and, with this agrees the preamble of another statute (32 Hen. VIII. cap. 2), which says, “That ever since the conquest of the realm of Ireland, it has been used therein, that upon every avoidance of a governor, the council should elect a justice, &C” and of the council have these great officers before mentioned always been. To which may be added, a resolution of the two houses of parliament of Ireland on the 11th of May, 1641, namely, “That in the reign of king Henry II. the common law and lawful customs of England were received, planted and established in this his majesty’s kingdom of Ireland.” But this subject is more fully handled in another place (Antiq. of Irel. cap. 13). We only mention thus much here to obviate the common opinion of historians, who ascribe to king John the introduction of the English laws into this kingdom.

The king kept his christmas (Cambr. ib. cap. 33) at Dublin in as great state as the place would then allow; for there was no house there capable of receiving his retinue; and therefore he was under the necessity of hastily erecting near St. Andrew’s church a long pavilion, like a cabbin, composed of smooth wattles after the fashion of the country (Tyr. Hist. v. 2. p. 374), which being well furnished with plate, household stuff and good cheer, made a better appearance than ever had been before seen in Ireland. Many of the Irish princes flocked thither to pay their duty to the king, not without admiration and applause of his magnificence. The greatest part of his charge was expended in royal entertainments to captivate the Irish, and his time in the five months he stayed there in endeavours so to settle matters as wholly for the time to come to frustrate France of the usual aids afforded by the Irish, when attacked by the arms of England.

He had experienced the benefit the crown received without charge by private adventurers, and therefore resolved by like methods to make the part he had gained defray the expence of subduing the whole. To this end he distributed large scopes of land, and huge territories to the grandees who attended him. To earl Strongbow (which indeed was his right by inheritance from king Dermod) all Leinster, to hold by homage only, the city of Dublin, and the adjoining cantreds, with a few maritime towns and castles excepted. To Hugh de Lacy the kingdom of Meath, to hold by 50 knights. To John de Courcey all Ulster, if he could conquer it, and to Robert Fitz-Stephen and Miles de Cogan the kingdom of Cork (which formerly comprehended Desmond) and to Philip do Braos the kingdom of Limerick. But these two latter grants were made after the king’s return to England.

While the king remained at Dublin, he received intelligence from England, that his son, the young king Henry (whom he had caused to be crowned) had rebelled against him, and that Normandy was in danger of revolting, into which the pope had sent two legates to make an inquisition into the murder of archbishop Becket. To these distresses were added a plague and scarcity in Ireland, all which aid him under the necessity of hastening his return, though much against his inclination. For he was at first determined to stay the summer following in Ireland, to fortify it with some strong holds and castles, and settle it in a state of security.

He therefore (according to Cambrensis) (Cap. 38) left Hugh de Lacy with 20 gentlemen at arms, and Robert Fitz-Stephen and Maurice Fitz-Gerald with 20 other gentlemen at arms, to be wardens and constables of Dublin. He likewise committed to Humphry de Bohun, Robert Fitz-Bernard, and Hugh de Gundeville, the government of Waterford, with 20** gentlemen at arms for their assistants and he appointed William Fitz-Aldelm, Philip of Hastings, and Philip do Braos, with 20 gentlemen at arms to govern Wexford. Maurice Regan differs from this account in the distribution of these governments. For, omitting Wexford, he places Robert Fitz-Bernard alone in the government of Waterford, and Hugh de Lacy alone in that of Dublin; but then he adds, that Robert Fitz-Stephen, Meiler Fitz-Henry, **and Milo Fitz-David, were in a fort restrained, and obliged to remain at Dublin with Lacy, whether as assistants in the government, or as counsellors, is not said.

However that may be, the king raised these and several other grandees to high power, and gave to them large portions of land, and great jurisdictions and privileges, in order to establish a counter-ballance to earl Strongbow, inheritor of all the rest of Leinster, who made his residence at Kildare (Regan), of whose reputation and interest both with the English adventurers and his new Irish subjects, his majesty was past measure jealous. He also granted the city of Dublin to be inhabited by a colony from the city of Bristol, as will be more fully set forth hereafter.

Having thus settled the kingdom in as much security as the shortness of time would permit, he marched from Dublin to Wexford, where he embarked on Easter-monday (Cambrensis) 1173, about fun-rise, and arrived at Portfinan in Wales, half a league from St. David’s, about noon the same day, having no man of note in his company but Miles de Cogan, whom he carried with him out of Ireland (Regan), and from St. David’s he hastened with all imaginable expedition into Normandy.

Thus was completed the reduction of Dublin.

An alphabetical list of such English adventurers as arrived in Ireland during the first sixteen years from the invasion of the English, collected partly from Maurice Regan and Giraldus Cambrensis, two contemporary writers, and partly from records.

Almane (Walter) nephew to William Fitz-Aldelm.

Barry (Robert)

Barry (Robert, jun.)

Barry (Philip) nephew to Robert Fitz-Stephens.

Barry (Walter de)

Barry (Gerald) commonly called Cambrensis, another nephew to Robert Fitz-Stephens.

Basilia, sister to earl Strongbow.

Bendeger (William)

Bermingham (Robert de)

Bevin (de) *by some *Beuin.

Bigaret (Robert)

Bluett (Walter)

Bohune (Humphrey de)

Borard (Gilbert de)

Borard (Robert de)

Braos (William de)

Bruse or Braos (Philip de)

Camerarius (Adam or Chamberlain)

Caunteton or Kantune (Reymond de)

Chappel (Richard de la)

Clahul (John de)

Clavill (John)

Cogan (Miles de)

Cogan (Richard de)

Comyn (John) archbishop of Dublin.

Constantine (Geffry de)

Curfun (Vivian de)

Courcey (John de)

Cressy (Hugh de)

Curtenay (Reginald de)

Dullard (Adam)

Feipo (Adam de)

Ferrand (William)

Fitz-Aldelm (William)

Fitz-Bernard (Robert)

Fitz-David (Milo)

Fitz-Girald (Maurice)

Fitz-Godobert (Richard)

Fitz-Godobert (Robert)

Fitz-Henry (Meiler)

Fitz-Henry (Robert)

Fitz-Hugh (Reymund)

Fitz-Martin (Robert)

Fitz-Maurice (Alexander)

Fitz-Maurice (Girald)

Fitz-Philip (Henry)

Fitz-Philip (Maurice)

Fitz-Ralph (Randulph)

Fitz-Richard (Robert)

Fitz-Stephen (Amere or Meredith) son to

Fitz-Stephen (Robert)

Fitz-Stephen (Ralph)

Fitz-Walter (Theobald)

Fleming (Richard de)

Flemin (Thomas le)

Fuceport (Adam)

Geoffry

Gernemie (Adam de)

Glanvill (Reginald de)

Gross (Reymund le)

Griffith, nephew to Robert Fitz-Stephen.

Guido.

Gundeville (Hugh de)

Haya (Geoffry de)

Hastings (Philip de)

Henry II. king of England.

Hereford (Adam de)

Hereford (John de)

Hereford (Osbert de)

Hereford (Richard de)

Hofe (Hugh de)

John (Constable of Cheshire)

Lacy (Hugh de)

Lacy (John de) constable of Cheshire.

Lacy (Robert de)

Loundres (Richard de)

Mareyne (Richard de)

Maskerell (William)

Monte Marisco (Hervey de)

Moreton (John, earl of)

Miffet (William de)

Nangle or Angulo (Gilbert de)

Nangle (Joscelin Fitz-Gilbert)

Nesta, daughter of Maurice Fitz-Gerald.

Nicholl, a monk.

Nicholas, the king’s chaplain.

Nott (William)

Nugent (Gilbert)

Pavilly (Reginald de)

Peche (Richard de)

Petit (William)

Petit (Richard)

Power (Robert le)

Power (Roger le)

Power (William le)

Prendergast (Maurice de)

Prendergast (Philip de)

Purcell —

Quiney (Robert de)

Ralph, abbot of Bildewas.

Ralph, archdeacon of Lhandaffe.

Reinand.

Ridelsford (John de)

Ridelsford (Walter de)

Robert —

Rupe (Adam de)

Salisbury (Robert de)

Smith (Robert)

Strigul (Richard, earl of) or Strongbow

Sancto Laurentio (Almeric de)

Sancto Laurentio (Nicholas de) son to the former.

Thomas –

Tyrell (Hugh)

Tuit (Richard)

Valoiques (Humphrey de)

Verdon (Bertram de)

Wallingford (Nicholas) abbot of Malmsbury.

Welsh (Philip)

Worchester (Philip de)

To Chapter XI. Harris Contents.