In the wake of 1916. Tim Healy remembers.

Asquith went to Dublin in May, 1916, to stop the further execution of Sinn Fein prisoners. All the Commandants of the Rising, save one, had then been shot under decrees of courts-martial. His intervention, however, saved many lives, and I felt grateful to him for putting an end to bloodshed. When he returned to the House of Commons I went to his room behind the Speaker’s Chair to thank him. That room had been Gladstone’s and Balfour’s, and was not unknown to me. I was ushered in, ahead of waiting generals and admirals, and mentally craved their pardon. Next day I received this note from the Prime Minister:

10 Downing Street,

London, S. W.

*23rd May, *1916.

My Dear Healy

“Before I go to bed I must tell you how much touched I was by your kind words this afternoon. You know well that I am a true friend of Ireland, that now for 30 years I have done what I can for her welfare and her future, and that nothing afflicts me so much as the agony of recent events. I will do *all I can. *And may I now appeal to you, whom I regard as an old and most valued friend, to contribute all you can (and it is much) to a final appeasement?

You cannot doubt that such an appeal comes from the heart.

May I add that through all these trying years I have appreciated and shall always remember the consideration - might I almost say personal affection - which you have never failed to show me.”

Yours always,

H. H. Asquith”

The Home Rule Act had then been hung up for nearly two years, and on the 25th May, 1916, the Prime Minister announced Lloyd George’s appointment as mediator in the Irish difficulty. I had the day before, at the request of Bonar Law, accepted Lloyd George’s invitation to see him. The meeting came to naught, as did also one I held with Carson, arranged by Lloyd George.

Redmond, foreseeing impending doom, accepted the principle of the partition of Ireland. Dillon would not yield Tyrone or Fermanagh to Orange sway. I commented to Maurice:

Chapelizod

*7th June, *1916.

“If Party hacks are any indication, the “partition settlement” is cut and dried, All the place-hunters in the Four Courts are for sacrificing the six counties. Redmond does not care about anything except himself. Devlin is touring Ulster, as he did before, in the interests of a “settlement.”

William Murphy went again, to London last week on a telegram from Lord Northcliffe, and has seen Lloyd George, thinks the conversations are merely *pro forma, *and that the Government will present a Bill omitting the six counties, and then it will be “take it or leave it” for us - with the Party conniving, and throwing the blame of rejecting the scheme on its critics.

Murphy stayed in London at Lloyd George’s request until Thursday, but Kitchener’s death may change matters, as L.G. may wish to go to the War Office straightway, and the Irish cause then will sink into small significance in his eyes.

The mode of crushing the rebellion by Maxwell has inflamed opinion in America, and the Cabinet have had representations from Washington on the necessity of a settlement with Ireland.

O’Brien was of opinion we should have swallowed Anthony MacDonnell’s old Bill, which I opposed, and in the events which have happened he may have been right, but it seemed otherwise at the time. Now another offer is to be made.”

The *Irish Times *printed an account of a Convention in Belfast of the “Covenanters” addressed by Sir Edward Carson on the 7th June, 1916. It announced that he spoke to the delegates for over an hour, and devoted another hour to hearing their views:

“Sir Edward Carson related the history of his leadership from 1911 to the abortive Buckingham Palace Conference. He pointed out how the whole situation had been altered by the outbreak of war. It was Ulster’s duty to give her undivided support to the Empire in carving out victory. He had given that support, and would continue to do so until the end. With the rebellion in Ireland most people had said this was the end of Home Rule, but this had not been the case. Mr. Asquith had come to Ireland for the purpose obviously of gaining time. He came back to the Cabinet and the Cabinet had decided that the Home Rule question should be settled. He, as the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, was asked would he confer with Mr. Lloyd George, and he conceived it to be his duty to do so, but he made it plain that, whatever might be suggested, the decision must be given by the people of Ulster, and whatever might be the decision, he would abide by it and convey it.

The proposal which Sir Edward was asked to place before the delegates was, that six of the Ulster counties should be excluded from the operation of the Home Rule Act during the pleasure of the Imperial Parliament, but there was to be no county option, and there would probably be a branch of the Home Office in Belfast, which would administer the six counties. Statistics were given of the loyalist and Nationalist populations of the entire province, and also of the six counties. The delegates were asked to consider carefully whether, in view of the fact that the Home Rule Act is on the Statute Book and that there might be no Unionist leaders to move its repeal, it might not be advisable to accept the offer made…

It is the feeling amongst Unionists in Belfast to-night that the Cabinet intend to settle the Irish question on the basis of the exclusion of six Ulster counties, if necessary without the consent of the Irish Unionist and Nationalist parties.”

This shows that the original Partition plan of the Government was not to set up a Belfast Parliament, but to keep the Six Counties under the control of the Home Office in London, with a branch office in Belfast. I informed my brother:

Chapelizod

*10th June, *1916.

“Devlin has swallowed partition, and so did the entire band. The *Independent *attacked them. Lloyd George and Herbert Samuel complained to Murphy about it. They were coached to do so, but Murphy will not take the slightest notice.

The only reason the Government want to do anything is fear of America, and not love of Ireland or us. The longshoremen in New York refused to handle munitions, and the “funerals” got up for the Dublin dead in April were attended by millions in U.S.A.

No settlement is possible with the Orangemen, who are as much responsible for the European War as the students of Sarajevo.

While delay would have been in Redmond’s favour in abating feeling, fresh bitterness will be aroused by the failure to produce a settlement.

I don’t know if the Dublin view has spread to Cork, but amongst moderate Catholics who were intensely loyal, I find nothing but Sinn Fein sentiment. I don’t care to mention names, as letters are opened, but one man whose son was burnt alive at Suvla Bay said he would rather now the Germans won.

I never knew such a transformation of opinion as that caused by the executions. Besides, the looting by the soldiers and ruffianism against innocent people - the ill-treatment of the prisoners, the insolence of the military in the streets, the foul language used to women, and the incompetence shown by officers, have aroused a contempt and dislike for which there is no parallel in our day. The small boys are singing, “Who fears to speak of Easter week!!

Lately the military have changed their tune, and the wind that blew north three weeks ago is blowing south to-day. All to no purpose. They have lost the hearts of the people beyond all hope of retrieving their mistakes. Clerics have discovered that” the probable hope of success “needed to justify rebellion does not necessarily mean military success, and that Pearse achieved his object, and “builded better than he knew,” His executioners would now give a good deal to have him and his brother back in jail alive.

The prospect is appalling, and the Cabinet are searching for a solution. It is no use trying to apply the laws of arithmetic or cold reason here. It is comic to see Dublin City Hall occupied by soldiers in fear of a new rebellion on Monday, and the planting of artillery on points of vantage. Every one is laughing. A current joke is that the temperature is “98” in the shade!”

When Kitchener perished, Lloyd George denounced the folly of the War Office in dealing with Irish recruiting and Irish regiments. After the war broke out Dillon called on Kitchener, who told him that “he knew all about Ireland.” Kitchener was born in Kerry, and a letter of his was published showing that his love for France had been enkindled by stories heard from Irish peasants, so that he enlisted as a private in the French Foreign Legion in 1870. To confirm Lloyd George’s censure of the military, the case of the Tyneside Irish Volunteers may be cited. Although they joined up in large numbers, they were refused the title of “Tyneside Irish.” Major Cowen, son of the eloquent Joseph Cowen, M.P. (then owner of the *Newcastle Chronicle), *presented them with harps for their caps and Gaelic badges, but the sages of Whitehall refused to allow these to be worn. Major Cowen also gave them Celtic bagpipes, but these were “contrary to regulations.” Their band might play “Over the Garden Wall,” or “Sally in our Alley,” but “God save Ireland,” or” The Wearing of the Green” were taboo.

At the front the corps got no recognition in dispatches, save under some unintelligible number, and was finally so shattered that, without any record of its gallantry or achievements, the survivors were scattered amongst Labour battalions. As “Tyneside Irish,” its fame would have won recruits, but this did not strike the Authorities. In Ireland when a green flag was presented to a newly-recruited regiment at Mallow by a Conservative lady, its display was forbidden.

Knowing that Partition was in the offing, I suggested every expedient I could think of to avert it. Frequent conferences were then common between opposing leaders. I believed that economic questions in spite of religious bogies would ultimately govern the result, yet that for some time there must be a recognition of Orange prejudice. I wrote Maurice:

House of Commons

*15th June, *1916.

“I am going to try a new experiment to-night. I have agreed to see Lloyd George at seven at his request, and shall propose the following alternative to “partition.” When he brings in his Bill to exclude the six counties I shall propose to give the counties a plebiscite between its acceptance as a whole, or the acceptance of Home Rule for all Ireland, under the following system: Two registers of voters to be prepared - divided into those over £30 and all other valuations, each section to return one member for the Irish Parliament, plus the same right to return one member for every county council, district or local ward in corporations or towns. This would give the Catholics of Fermanagh, Tyrone and Derry the advantage, in being in the excluded enclave, but being able to vote for a united Ireland: and the Protestants would have the inducements of securing their co-religionists throughout all Ireland a substantial representation, and in some areas almost a majority in local institutions.

If this* *became acceptable to Irish Unionists (when debated in the House of Commons), the part creating the separate enclave might be dropped and the Bill passed for all Ireland without an excluded area.

The figures of voters above and below £30 valuation are:

  Above Below

Ulster 21,890 57,498

Leinster 25,013 89,114

Munster 24,500 101,748

Connacht 6,175 115,912

I would make the lower franchise “manhood suffrage” with six months’ residence. “Manhood” to include woman suffrage. I shall let you know result of the interview.”

Londons,

*16th June, *1916.

“The Wizard liked my plan, and afterwards Rufus Isaacs [Lord Chief Justice) came in. He explained it to him, and suggested I should see Carson on Monday. He will be away until then. I have written Carson. He may be in town for a moment to-morrow, and if he asks me to stay in London I will do so.

Men like John Barry are keen for a settlement, and I gather that Bishop O’Donnell has affected Cardinal Logue.”

The war created a revulsion in opinion as to Ireland, owing to the necessity of coaxing the United States to join in. In the House of Commons there was much questioning of the Government regarding the rebellion. Dillon was constantly in conference with Ministers in London, and when in Dublin the Under-Secretary, Nathan, visited his residence. I wrote Maurice:

London,

18th *June, *1916.

“Gavan Duffy yesterday brought to me an American lawyer, Boyle, who has been sent over to help in the Casement trial. He has come with the approval of the British Ambassador, Spring Rice, as a friend of President Wilson. He was given an interview by Sir E. Grey at the Foreign Office, and told Grey that, in consequence of the Dublin executions, the Irish in America had turned pro-German, that the three Cardinals there signed the appeal for help for the rebel families, and that a Requiem Mass was said in every church in America, by order of the bishops, for the men shot.

I have had a long talk with John Boon, the old “tapeworm” of the Exchange Co. He has been to Spain to stem German propaganda, and said the effect of the rebellion on the Spanish was disastrous to the Allied cause. They had, however, been more or less pro-German before.

A funny thing he told me was that a speech of Birrell to his constituents denouncing Philip II as a tyrant, was made great use of by the Germans, as the Spanish regard Philip “Segundo” as their greatest king! Birrell, unconscious of his lapse, has selected Spain as the place for his vacation. Rum world!

Redmond is completely dished. I don’t suppose Carson will agree to more than he has done, and he is being criticized in Orangeland for an infraction of the “Covenant” in making a compromise. Now that Lloyd George is at the War Office his interests in a settlement will slacken, and then there will be no one to pull the Irish cart… .

Unless Carson agrees to some such scheme as mine the Redmondites will swallow whatever is brought forward. The defect in my plan is that such a system of voting could not justly be applied to the counties proposed to be excluded, as there the Protestants have adequate representation, and it would be unfair to increase it, or deprive Catholics in Tyrone or Fermanagh of their weight. The Catholics now control Enniskillen Urban, and Fermanagh County Council, also Tyrone County Council.

William O’Brien has also met Carson.”

When I went to see Carson, he was the same friendly fellow that he had always been, but would not budge an inch. The only thing gained by my visit was tea with Lady Carson, whose father and uncle I knew well. Her father, Colonel Frewen, when soldiering in Ireland, occupied my house at Chapelizod, and I thought she had been born there. She said it was not herself, but her sister, who came to light at that spot. Colonel Frewen told me that he daily whipped 50 trout out of the Liffey on my stretch of the river. He still visits Ireland every summer to fish in the West. I wrote my brother:

London

19th June, 1916.

“I saw Carson, who was friendly, but doubtful. He will submit the plan to his friends to-morrow, but meanwhile, I have heard from a different source that the Tories in the Cabinet, led by Long and Lansdowne, will resign if anything is done. They deny that they consented to give Lloyd George powers.”

I returned home to gauge opinion when Redmond determined to swallow the Partition proposals, and wrote Maurice:

Dublin,

*23rd June, *1916.

“Feeling amongst the Tories in the Four Courts is that Redmond will “pack” his convention in Belfast, and that he will carry a” rigged “verdict. This will create a new situation, as it will show the Southern Conservatives that they are in a bad way, and will open their minds to alternative settlements.

In that view I opened up my plan to Denis Henry and Arthur Samuels, and they took kindly to it. Samuels said it would be practically to Repeal the Union if we gave them such a franchise as I outlined, and that we should pay no taxes to England.

The fact is that if Redmond carries the day in Belfast it will only open up a new phase in the struggle. It will embarrass him and dissatisfy the people, and make him more likely to entertain such a solution as I have projected.

I saw Asquith on Tuesday. He was very nice, and said I “was always helpful.” Carson, however, seemed entirely in the hands of his sternest friends, and not disposed to initiate anything.

The Long-Lansdowne position has been squared, although Long’s letter was threatening. The moment the Redmondites accept Partition officially we can propose no alternative scheme, as the lesser of two evils.”

Redmond called a “Convention” in Belfast to accept partition on the basis that it would be for a limited period. Bargainers who yield “an inch” forget that opponents will graft “an ell” on their proposals. By threats of resignation, he, Dillon, and Devlin carried their way for partition in a meeting which had been carefully “hand-picked.” The result proved that the political machine can go everywhere and do anything” except go straight. I wrote my brother:

Chapelizod

30th *June, *1916.

“Lord Lansdowne’s statement yesterday in the Lords shows the poor judgment exercised by “the boys” in packing their Belfast Convention. They have got the Government into a difficulty, and I am told by Unionists that Carson and the Northerners will do nothing to help them.”

House of Commons,

*5th July, *1916.

“The Ulster regiments at the front have been badly cut up. A settlement, if proposed, may go through, but I should not like to be in Redmond’s shoes… .”

The Ulster Forces raised by Carson were delayed for training at Ballykinlar, Co. Down, nearly a year, in the hope that the War would be ended without their having to go to the front. Some Nationalists argued that this delay was the result of an arrangement between Carson and the War Office, and that no such long training was necessary. When they were ultimately dispatched to France, they behaved gallantly and suffered heavy losses. So great was the wailing in Belfast that Carson for the moment lost popularity there. I wrote Maurice:

House of Commons,

6th *July, *1916.

“Partition will go through. The Tories to-morrow will kick a little, but their meeting will pass the scheme.

Ronald MacNeill told me he would support it and, of course, Carson and all the Orangemen will do so. Walter Long sent Lord Robert Cecil to Devlin yesterday, and Joe is said to have surrendered “Police, Post Office and Customs.” Cecil said he would have given up more if he knew what to ask for!

What then will be left for the Irish Parliament to do? There is to be no election to the Irish House, but members are to be co-opted by the Government to represent the Southern Unionists, and the Irish members are to retain their seats and their salaries here as usual during the War… .

Arthur Balfour has passively accepted Partition, and said it will be “an interesting experiment”! It is a strange ending (if it be the end) of the Home Rule struggle.”

The shepherds of the Irish Cause had to run the gauntlet of powerful enemies in Lords and Commons. Although Partition was not passed until 1920, its enactment was discernible four years earlier. I wrote my brother:

London,

*7th July, *1916.

“It is the support of Lord Northcliffe that has carried the thing~

If it be true that it is Herbert Samuel who is drafting the Bill, it will be as narrow as it can be made. In the chequered history of Ireland this is the most extraordinary phase that has arisen.”

Chapelizod,

*14th July, *1916.

“The Government are trying to mark time to see can they beat the Germans.

Bonar Law has lost control of the Tories on the Irish issue, and there is a fissure in the Conservative ranks thereon.”

Bonar Law, although half an Irishman, was bitterly against Home Rule. His honesty, simplicity, and old-world detachment from selfish considerations, were transparent. Chamberlain pushed him forward to a seat in Parliament because of his acquaintance with the problems of free trade and protection learned in Canada. I often wrangled with him about Ireland almost to quarrelling point. Indeed, I once told the host at whose house we met that I would never speak to Bonar again - so fierce was he against my arguments for Home Rule. I wrote Maurice:

House of Commons,

25th July, 1916.

“Redmond has left the Irish Cause in a worse position than it was ever placed in, by his concession of the six counties, as it can’t be obliterated.

I hear a rumour that Kitchener’s ship went down, or was wrecked by mines.”

The first account of the drowning of Kitchener was conveyed to me while I was defending Sinn Feiners before a court-martial at Richmond Barracks presided over by Lord Cheylesmore. He had condemned Lodi, the German spy, to death in the Tower of London, and severity was expected from him. Yet he gave great weight to the remorse of John McEntee for his part in the rising of Easter week.

By this time Redmond had not only become unpopular, but hateful to the populace. Yet, beyond trying to steer the Irish barque to shore according to the best of his judgment, he had not sinned. He was merely a weak man shouldering a burthen beyond his bearing.

Amidst these uncertainties I visited Lord Devonport in Wales in order to go to see the Irish prisoners in Frongoch. Father Stafford, P.P., who behaved so bravely with an Irish Regiment against the Bulgarians, was in spiritual charge there. He told me that the French generals thanked him for the gallantry of his regiment, which had served as a rear-guard in the French retreat. I wrote my brother:

Denbigh,

*11th August, *19r6.

“I came here to visit the Internment Camp at Frongoch to see how the Irish prisoners are treated, and hear their story. I expect to see them to-day.”

My experience at the Frongoch camp, although brief was not without its lessons. I did not know the prisoners, but wished that any alleviation of their condition which my visit could induce should come into force. I first asked for a Mayo editor named Doris. A censor was present, drawn, I think, from Belfast. The denunciations of Doris of his arrest were pungent. He said his paper had condemned the 1916 insurrection, and that his imprisonment was caused by his brother - a member of the Irish Parliamentary Party.

Here the censor declined to allow the interview to continue. Then I was asked whom I further wished to see? I replied that one of my constituents was in jail, and requested that he should be produced. In he came in his shirt-sleeves, a splendid actor. Lord Devonport inquired why he was there. Doris, the poor innocent victim, attributed his imprisonment to domestic causes, but this Mitchelstown (Co. Cork) internee said sweetly: “I was arrested owing to the fact that I was always a supporter of the protection policy of the late Joseph Chamberlain.” I knew, of course, that he was there because of an intercepted letter to America declaring that Redmond could never again pass through Ireland except in an armoured can I wrote Maurice:

London,

*18th August, *1916.

“I applied for a permit to visit the Sinns in Reading Prison to-day, but got no reply. I then called at the War Office and saw Brade over one of the War restrictions. They prohibit the export of linoleum to Holland on the ground that the Germans make boots of it! I told him I wish they did, and that if so, they should be encouraged, as such foot-wear would not stand a day. The fact is that the Germans are exporting linoleum to Holland, and that both Holland and Sweden manufacture the stuff themselves. There seems to be little practical sense on the soldier-side of the Government.

Lord Derby came in while I stood storming at Brade and met me with the funny thrust, “You are failing, Tim!” We laughed heartily. He could take in a business point, but not his wiseacres. May not the German pundits be as bad?”

Soon I was in the middle of the inquiry which Asquith ordered into the murder of the four civilians in Dublin during the rebellion. It was presided over by Sir John Simon, who made an admirable chairman. The heads of the Army there were nervous lest additional scandals should be probed, but Sir John’s rulings were firm against anything of the kind. It is due, however, to the memory of a Protestant Irish officer who was killed in France soon after, to say that he privately gave me the utmost assistance as to what went on in Portobello Barracks before the prisoners were shot by Colthurst’s command. The son of Lord FitzGerald, the late Lord of Appeal, also added valuable hints on military points.

Dublin,

28th August, 1916.

“The Commission in the Colthurst case has adjourned until Thursday. Sir John Simon was fair. The terms of reference restricted him, and he had a colleague in Denis Henry to cope with!

Every one is satisfied that we have done better than we had a fight to expect. Bringing Lieutenant Dobbin back is a humiliation to the military. We have thrown new light on events. The Tories are mad over the disclosures, and the *Spectator *on Saturday had an attack on the holding of the Commission.

The Government are in a difficulty as to the King Street murders. Of course, the military will allege sniping, and the evidence would be contradictory, whereas here they have no excuse. The giving of half-pay to Colthurst, and the transportation of the doctor to Africa because he would not certify his insanity, impress the public.

Feeling rises against the Party. It is hard to see how Redmond can be rehabilitated. We have been vindicated in a most unexpected manner. Half the Redmondites would not be re-elected, and none will be returned for Dublin. Ulster is certainly lost to them, and where will they gain a foothold?

The *Dundalk Examiner *on Saturday printed AE.’s poem on the insurgents, which shows that the censorship is weakening. There will be little esteem for Martial law or for soldiers’ decisions after the Skeffington disclosures.”

The Asquith Government would not allow the evidence or the findings of the Commission to be officially published, but as the newspapers were given free rein during the sittings this was not felt. Redmond avoided all questions which might give trouble to the Government, but Dillon took a more Irish stand. The Rebellion and its sequels ended both their careers.

Chapelizod

18th November, 1916

“The West Cork election in its way is as decisive as the Kilkenny election of ‘890. The Redmond Party will be encouraged, and I have told Father O’Doherty, P.P., that it signed the death warrant of Catholic Ulster.”

The Party, however, thought the event a splendid portent unwitting that it was brought about by the Sinn Feiners who abstained. The death of James O’Kelly, M.P., led to an election in Roscommon. I told Maurice:

London

1st *February, *1917.

“Redmond is so poorly that he will be unable to attend the opening of the session. Roscommon is snowed up, and all the West has six feet of snow on the roads, so the election will be a town affair.

The Government recently were afraid of America cutting off supplies, but that is no longer apprehended.”

House of Commons,

*7th February, *1917.

“Never was there such a winter. The coughing in the House to-day was extraordinary. I was about to finish that sentence in another way when Asquith came up and shook hands. The odd thing was that he had passed me a minute before. He must have remembered, and supposed I thought he had cut me!

So far not a word has been said by the leaders as to the Speaker’s Franchise Report. Lloyd George has not come to the House. Asquith’s role seems to be to give assurances of co-operation, but to adumbrate the possibility of pinpricks from others. You should publish that note the Speaker sent you as to the Franchise Committee, unless it is marked “private.” Who else, having received such a compliment, would allow his light to remain under a bushel?

The Roscommon election result was greatly helped by Count Plunkett’s expulsion from the Royal Dublin Society. Father O’Flanagan was such a Redmondite hitherto that he vehemently supported Partition last summer, and wrote publicly in its favour.

The” Ancient Order “supported Plunkett against Devine, their President.

Sinn Fein sentiment will be resisted less strongly in places where there was no “anti-Party” organization.When the Irish take sides they stay on that side.

There is no sign of peace in the talk of politicians about the War. Nevertheless, Max thinks it will come.

I suppose you got a leaflet from Mrs. Meynell showing that her son Francis is in jail as a “conscientious objector.” Extraordinary for an English lad.”

At this time my brother had a Cork Improvement Bill which he was anxious the Ulster Tories should not object to. I wrote him:

House of Commons,

*8th February, *1917.

“I have seen Sir John Lonsdale and Colonel Craig, and the latter said to me, “Tell Maurice it is absolutely settled that Sharman Crawford will back the Bill.” I have not seen Crawford as I have only just come down.”

House of Commons,

*15th February, *1917.

“This fool-Party are throwing away the chance of their lives to abolish the Grand Jury and the harangues of judges, by not insisting on the extension of the English Suspensory Bill to Ireland. I stopped it last night to insist that the Government should reconsider the exclusion of Ireland. I went to Scanlon [M.P.] to-day. and told him how important it would be to deprive the Judges of a platform for their attacks next month. He went to Dillon, and I offered to leave the whole management of the debate to them, without effect. The message I got was that they “were not interfering.” I told Scanlon I would avail of this as a characteristic proof of their incompetence.

The Government are uneasy about the state of Ireland. Dillon has been telling them there will be another insurrection.”

London,

18th *February, *1917.

“I lunched with Sir John Simon yesterday, and he had been seeing Asquith. I could see that they will strive to advance the Franchise report of the Speaker. I dined with Neil Primrose, who told me a day had been promised for the debate, and that the Prime Minister was not in the least averse from proceeding with the Bill. I told Neil they should place the Government draftsman at the Speaker’s service, and let the Speaker be responsible for the Bill. F. E. Smith is in favour of the scheme, and went so far as to say that the Speaker should make a speech and introduce it.

I would go home but I want to see if I can amend the Grand Jury Amendment Bill. Smith told me that James O’Connor (Attorney-General) wired that nobody wished the Bill to extend to Ireland. I spoke to Swift MacNeill and he confessed O’Connor was wrong, and saw the importance of doing away with such a platform for the judges as the Grand Juries biannually afford.”

House of Commons,

20th *February, *1917.

“The Party is discredited in the House, and every one thinks Redmond is done for. Dillon has made a speech against the Government on Salonika, loudly cheered by the “pacifists,” but perfectly loyal in tone. He spoke of “our troops” and “our army,” and was anxious for the Allied success.

I did not know the Chamber of Commerce had passed a resolution in favour of the English Grand Jury Bill applying to Ireland. James O’Connor prevented the Government accepting my amendment. F. E. Smith openly said so, and it disgusted even Swift MacNeill, whom I had got to see the folly of O’Connor’s attitude. Scanlon seconded me, to save the Party’s face, but they were evidently under instructions not to support me, as only four or five were in the Chamber, and the rest did not come in.

With the slightest pressure from the Party F. E. Smith would have agreed to the amendment, but in face of the opposition from the Attorney-General for Ireland how could he have yielded to me alone, and I said so. When I see James O’Connor I will give him some chunks of my mind.”

House of Commons,

*27th February, *1917.

“The *Daily News *says that conversations about Home Rule have been re-opened. It also says James Chambers has been appointed Solicitor-General for Ireland.”

House of Commons,

*6th March, *1917.

“There is great interest in the T.P. debate to-morrow, but most of it will evaporate when they know that Lloyd George has been seized with a diplomatic chill. He has arranged this ailment, and T.P. is quite cheerful at the calamity which has befallen his country and his Prime Minister.”

House of Commons,

*23rd March, *1917.

“Bonar Law sent for me on Wednesday night to say that he had heard from William O’Brien, who said he was coming over to see him, and that he wished me to tell O’Brien there was no necessity, although he would be glad to talk with him if he came. There had been delay in his acknowledging the letter, so I telegraphed this to O’Brien, and that Bonar Law was writing. I hope he did so. Next day Bonar Law announced in his speech that they would make another effort to settle the Irish question, so I hope O’Brien did not think I was putting him off, as Bonar Law did not advise me of his intention to make this announcement.

I don’t suppose the Tory Party will give him any encouragement, as they are playing the Asquith game to “down” Lloyd George. There is an article in the *Daily Express *to-day recommending a Dissolution on the ground of the Asquith intrigue, and that otherwise Lloyd George will be smothered. Asquith has given notice to thank the Speaker for the Franchise Committee Report and his resolution urges on the Government the necessity of legislation on the lines of your Committee.”

House of Commons,

18th Apnl, 1917.

“Bonar Law said to me to-day he didn’t think anything would come of their Irish proposals, and that the case was hopeless. I asked him if he could tell me what they were, and he said no, as they had not yet been submitted to the Cabinet. Now that they have got over the Parliament Act trouble, I suppose they will look forward to the Franchise Bill to give them an excuse to dissolve.

Balfour has gone to America, and so have Joffre and Viviani.”

House of Commons,

*2nd May, *1917.

“Cork Improvement Bill passed the Report stage to-day, and it is for the Agent to fix third reading. Colonel Gretton spoke to me bitterly though good-humouredly about it chaffing about Ford’s Works.

I am staying on until next week for the Lloyd George statement. It has been postponed because of the Longford election. The Government know Redmond’s nominee will be beaten. All the young generation are against the Party.

The Irish mail did not sail from Kingstown this morning, and the submarine peril is increasing.”

House of Commons,

*14th May, *1917.

“I had enclosed from O’Brien, and replied that I understood from Bonar Law privately that the statement would be on Thursday. Dalziel says they don’t know what to say, and that no definite announcement will be made. They hope to win the War without settling with Ireland.

I have not been allowed to see the draft Franchise Bill, nor have I done anything further about it. I don’t see why there should be a Local Government Register, distinct from the Parliamentary; nor why, if women are to have the Parliamentary vote, they should not enjoy the Municipal vote on the same terms.

Since I wrote above, I have seen Bonar Law, and told him not to make the Ministry ridiculous by postponing the statement until after Thursday. I believe it will be then made. I think all that will be said will be that they can do nothing, because the Nationalists will not take” county option for Ulster, and if it was granted by a bare majority the Protestants would be so infuriated that they would drive out the Catholics from employment in Belfast.

The Government at one time had the idea, which Lloyd George mentioned, of a Commission, but I told them not to make themselves a laughing-stock. It is a miserable state of things.”

House of Commons,

*15th May, *1917.

“I was afraid that the Franchise Bill was not going to be applied to Ireland, but understand it will be. There must have been some doubt about it, as the Redmondites are hostile to an extended franchise.

Every one will know to-morrow what the Home Rule proposals will be. I understand they are the same as the *Manchester Guardian *suggested yesterday - the exclusion of the six counties, but some joint board between them and the twenty-six, for certain purposes. The thing is repugnant, but the Party will take it rather than be diddled altogether.”

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