Last sitting of the Irish Parliament.

Chapter XXI.

Hopes of Popular Dissent rejected - Viceroy’s Efforts to procure Public Approval - His abortive Efforts to obtain Public Approval - The Bill in the House of Commons - Startling Proposal from the Gallery - Last Sitting moved by Lord Castlereagh - Distress of the Speaker (Foster) - The Members on the Question - The Ayes have it - The Bill in the Lords - The Chancellor’s Speech - Praise of the Viceroy - The Lords’ Debate - The Act passed-Protest of Dissentient Peers - Intended Projects for supporting Catholic Clergy - Act of Compensation for Boroughs - Popular Hits at corrupt Members.

But the Union met with strong, if unavailing resistance. On the 8th June 1800, when the question was put in the House of Commons, “That this Bill be engrossed,” a sturdy member named O’Donnell moved, “That instead of being engrossed it should be burnt.” Mr. Tighe seconded this motion, and several members insisted on the motion being put to the House. The Speaker (Foster) appealed to the House as to the propriety of putting such a question, when the Government party demanded it should not, that it was most improper, and any member persisting in pressing it incurred a vote of censure; and a scene of great confusion arose. The galleries had to be cleared, and when order was restored, the Speaker said, “This point was novel, and without precedent.” He thought the motion might be made at a proper time, and was not censurable as an insult, but it could not supersede the question, which he put accordingly. [*Lives of the Lord Chancellors of Ireland, *vol. ii. p.268, and note at foot.]

The history of the Rebellion of 1798 forms no part of my narrative, save so far as it prevented the measure of the Union. That its origin and progress was perfectly known to the Irish executive, there is not a shadow of doubt; and assuredly, with the means the viceroy, Lord Camden, had at his disposal, and the great military force at his command, he could have nipped the conspiracy in the bud before it assumed the alarming dimensions it soon reached. Providence fought with the cause of British rule, as in the reign of Queen Elizabeth.

It is worthy of note that in his violent anti-Irish speech, the chancellor accused the Opposition peers of using undue influence and bribery to incite the people against the Union. We shall presently see with what bad grace such a charge came from the Treasury bench against noblemen, who denied that they ever resorted to such conduct. The strong opposition throughout the country gave great offence to the Irish Government. In a letter to General Ross, dated 28th February 1800, the lord-lieutenant says: “The Opposition here still remains united, and seem determined to employ every means to protract the business, while we feel the greatest difficulty to call forth any exertion, or even to procure a tolerable attendance from our languid friends. The Speaker [Right Hon. J. Foster.] plays all the game for them, and counts the House exactly at four, before which time all the opponents take care to withdraw, and will not suffer any man to stir to call in such careless members as may be in the lobby or porch.” [Cornwallis Correspondence, vol. iii. P. 154.]

While the debate on the Union was progressing in the House of Commons, the anxiety of the people to learn who were the friends and foes of Irish patriotism thronged the galleries. It would seem as if the same strictness which regulates admission to the Speaker or the Strangers’ Gallery of the Imperial Parliament was not observed; for one evening the House was electrified by a loud voice from the gallery calling, “Now let the greatest assassin take the chair!” The Speaker at once ordered the arrest of the offender, who was soon in custody of the serjeant-at-arms, and brought to the bar of the House. He behaved in so violent a manner he was committed to Newgate. Here, sober reason having returned, he was ashamed of his conduct, and, having addressed a most penitent apology to the House, was discharged after being in prison nearly two months.

In order to secure a majority for the Union, the flood-gates of corruption were opened. Lord Cornwallis, the lord-lieutenant, writing to his friend, General Ross of Bladensburgh, says: “My occupation is negotiating and jobbing. How I hate myself every hour from being engaged in this dirty work! How I long to kick those I am obliged to court! Castlereagh distributed to secure votes, 20 peerage, 20 advances of rank in the peerage, seven judgeships, over 200 salaried places, and over two million of pounds sterling cash paid.

Meanwhile the minions of the Government beset members in any position, high or low, and so the members of the House of Commons, the most numerous portion being bought by the ministers, in a manner deserving of the reproach of a prime minister, [Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone.] who was justified in stigmatising the conduct of his predecessors *as blackguards, *outnumbered the band of patriots who resisted the disastrous measure. On the 11th June 1800, the Commons of Ireland sat. They could not be called a representative assembly. English officials were smuggled into seats to vote as they were ordered. They were placed to repeal the Acts of 1782, which, I believe, were wrung from a terrified ministry with the fixed resolution to overrule its enactments at a fitting time, and that time was now come. The Parliament House was closely invested by a large military force.

The Marquis Cornwallis was soon busy in promoting the legislative union. On 7th February 1800, the chancellor, Earl of Clare, in the House of Lords, had delivered the message in favour of this Bill, which was at once taken into consideration. On the 10th of the mouth, the chancellor introduced the measure, in a speech which, when put into type, numbered a hundred pages. It was a sort of Irish history detailing all her calamities and civil strifes; it was full of misstatements, abusing the native Irish, assailing the Roman Catholics, flattering the English. Those peers whom he suspected of national leanings he assailed - Lord Downshire and Lord Charlemont especially; and Grattan, with his party, of course, were objects of his attack.

This was the sort of harangue to win praise from the Irish Castle officials. In a letter to the Duke of Portland, the viceroy wrote: “I am to state to your Grace that the chancellor exerted his great abilities in a speech of four hours, which produced the greatest surprise and effect on the Lords and on the audience, which was uncommonly numerous.”

In support of the measure spoke Lords Glentworth [Pery, Earl of Limerick], Kilwarden, Chief Justice of the King’s Bench [Killed during the Emmet revolt in 1803.];** **Lord Carleton, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas; Lords Donaghmore, Longford, Glandore, and the Archbishop of Cashel. Those peers who spoke against the Union were - the Marquis of Downshire, the Earl of Charlemont, Lords Farnham, Dillon, Powerscourt, and Sunderlin.

The Bill seems to have gone at once to the Lords, who by a majority of 76 for, to 13 against it, passed it on the 12th June, and on the 1st August it received the royal assent On the following day the viceroy, in a speech from the throne, pronounced the extinction of the Irish Parliament. We are not aware if any one called out, as the old Scotch peer did when the Union between England and Scotland deprived Edina of her ancient legislative powers,” “Sae there’s an end to the auld sang.” A strongly-worded protest from the unbribed and unbought members of the peerage of Ireland will serve to recall to the minds of their descendants how nobly their fathers acted on this sad occasion.

The protest, in 11 sections, dated 13th June 1800, thus concludes: “Because the arguments made use of in favour of the Union - namely, that the sense of the nation is in its favour - we know to be untrue; and as the ministers have declared that they would not press the measure against the sense of the people, and the people have pronounced decidedly, and under all difficulties, their judgment against it, we have, together with the sense of the country, the authority of the ministers to enter our protest against the project of union, against the yoke which it imposes, the dishonour which it inflicts, the disqualification passed upon the peerage, the stigma thereby branded on the realm, the disproportionate principle of expense it introduces, the means employed to effect it, the discontent it has excited and must continue to excite; against all these and the fatal consequences they may produce we have endeavoured to interpose our votes; and failing, we transmit to after times our names in solemn protest in behalf of the parliamentary constitution of the realm, the liberty which it secured, the trade which it protected, the connexion which it preserved, and the constitution which it supplied arid formed. This we feel ourselves called upon to do in support of our characters, our honour, and whatever is left us worthy to be transmitted to our posterity.

Leinster.

Arran.

Mountcashel.

Farnham.

Belmore.

Massy.

Strangford.

Granard.

Ludlow.

Moira.

William, Bishop of Down and Connor.

Richard, Bishop of Waterford and Lismore.

Powerscourt.

De Vesci.

Charlemont.

Kingston.

Riversdale.

Meath.

Lismore.

Sunderlin.”

There is no doubt that a proposal was then made for making due provision for the bishops and clergy of the Catholic Church. They are, and have been, quite dependent on the offerings of their parishioners, and this very dependence has often the effect of compelling the clergy to adapt themselves to the wishes and actions of those people, than if independent they might not do so.

In 1799, a meeting of the bishops was held to consider a proposal from the Government to grant an independent provision to the clergy, and a document was then drawn up, signed by the four archbishops and six bishops, in which it was agreed that a provision for the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland, competent and secured, ought to be thankfully accepted, and the regulations which it was thought proper should accompany it were laid down. [*Grattan’s Life, by his Son, v4. v. p. 57. Quarterly Review, * vol. lxxvii. p. 247.]

Together with the Act of Union was an Act giving an enormous sum to compensate the owners of boroughs disfranchised by the Union. As the market price which was often paid for the honour and glory of being a member of Parliament for one of these boroughs was as high as £7,000, and these boroughs returned two members, thus each was valued at £14,000; and as there were many such boroughs, the amount paid was £1,260,000. [*Historical Review *by Ball, p. 224.] Ireland, in the united Parliament, was to be represented by 32 peers, four of them to be Lords Spiritual, and 28 Temporal, elected for life by their fellow Irish peers. The House of Commons was to be represented by 64 from the 32 counties, two from each; four from Dublin and Cork, two each; one from Trinity College, and one from 32 cities and important boroughs - 100 in all. The Irish population, who were aware of the wholesale bribery going on, and by shrewdly recognising the venal crew who gained access to the chief secretary by the back stair of the Castle, lost no opportunity of attacking them in the streets. They would say: “So, Mr. ---- , you were paid this morning. Give us a tenpenny bit to drink your health.”

To a peer: “Well, my lord, you made a good bargain. You were right not to sell your country too cheap.”

“Three cheers for Sir William. He bargained to be a lord, but there was no lord for him.”

“Here’s Harry D---- G---- boys! How much did they mark on your brief, Harry?” This old parliamentary lawyer is reported to have replied to the indignant inquiry, “Will you sell your country?” “Thank God I have a country to sell.”

No wonder the high-minded and noble Marquis Cornwallis was disgusted at having to bargain with such rascals. No wonder, as he said, he longed to kick those he was obliged to court. We have had, alas! in our day, men equally open to the influence of corruption, and let us pray that we have seen the last of those, when we return our Parliament once more to College Green.

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