Captain O'Shea, Nationalist or Liberal (1886)

Chapter XIX*

Captain O’Shea, Nationalist or Liberal? *(1886)

The elections of November, 1885, swelled the Irish Party to 86. Irish voters in Britain backed the Conservatives, and Gladstone declared the boroughs there “spoke with an Irish brogue.” Still, when all was over, the Tories had only a majority of one over the Liberals, even if our 86 votes were counted with them.

Lord Randolph Churchill said to Justin McCarthy, “We’ve done our best for you. Now we shall do our best against you!”

Randolph on the hustings had flown a democratic Tory flag, but Lord George Hamilton, M.P., told McCarthy that the Tory appeal lay to the middle classes, “the villa people.” As M.P. for Middlesex, Lord George knew their ideas.

The Tory leaders at once swung round to hostility against Ireland. Gladstone invited Arthur Balfour to join in a Conference to see if the Irish question could be settled by consent, as the Franchise and Redistribution controversies were disposed of the year before by a conference of adverse chiefs.

Balfour refused, and his decision gave Conservatism power for 30 years. His Party was thus able to side-track British democratic demands, and save aristocratic influence for a generation.

Labouchere’s *Life *(1913) discloses that before the election he sent me letters from Gladstone evidencing the old man’s trend towards Home Rule. Parnell preferred to trust the Viceroy, Lord Carnarvon, as the agent of Lord Salisbury, and considered himself bound to the Tories. I knew he would not welcome Gladstone’s overtures, and when T. P. O’Connor’s manifesto against the Liberals appeared in October, i885, I returned Gladstone’s communications to Labouchere without keeping copies.

In November, 1885, 1 was elected for South Derry by a majority exceeding the combined polls of Liberal and Tory, but eight months later was beaten by a hundred votes because of the Home Rule Bill.

After the 1885 contests Parnell replied to a request of mine thus:

9 Bridge Street,

London, S. W.,

17th December, 1885.

My Dear Healy,-

“I enclose you the letter you desire for Father Quinn.

Your victory in South Derry was a very great and decisive one, and you have my best congratulations, but great as it was, I believe that if you had gone to North Tyrone you would have carried that constituency also, and a less strong man could have won the three-cornered fight in South Derry.

I wish you would use your influence to impress upon those newly-elected Members with whom you may- come in contact, the necessity of avoiding the use of violent, boastful and extreme language.

I notice amongst examples of speech to be avoided a paragraph of J. Clancy, M.P., in which he is reported to have said that “we must take the English by the neck and wring our rights out of them.” Of course we know we must, but there is no use, but much mischief, in saying so.

My remarks of two months since as to the necessity of moderation in speech and action in our movement are in as fun force as ever. An article in *United Ireland *inculcating this would do good-also strongly denouncing outrages which appear to be extending from Kerry to Limerick and Glare.

Tenants ought not to be encouraged to refuse reasonable abatements, even though not so large as necessity of times indicates.

We shall get no settlement of National questions from the Tories, but it is exceedingly probable that they will try to keep themselves in office on proposals to renew Coercion, and on the anti-Irish cry.

Show this to O’Brien, and consult him.”

Yours very truly,

Charles S. Parnell.

The Tory Government called Parliament together on the 21st January, 1886, to declare a Coercion policy for Ireland. Lord Carnarvon, the Viceroy, resigned in protest, but was prevailed on to postpone the announcement.

The Chief Secretary, Sir William Hart Dyke, retired at once, and W. H. Smith was sent to take his place in Dublin.

The Irish Party then coalesced with the Liberals to put the Tories out. An amendment to the Queen’s speech, moved by Jesse Collings (a supporter of Chamberlain’s “unauthorized programme”), brought about their dismissal. On my recommendation they were not defeated on an Irish issue, but fell on an amendment to endow labourers with “three acres and a cow.” Gladstone had during the General Election, carped at Chamberlain’s programme as “unauthorized.” It was put forward while Gladstone was yachting with Tennyson and Sir Donald Currie in Norwegian waters. This afforded the first evidence of the rift in the lute between these powerful men.

On the Tory Government being thrown out, Parliament adjourned to enable the new Liberal Ministers to be re-elected. By the end of February, 1886, an administration was patched together. When Gladstone started by train to present the names of his Cabinet to Queen Victoria many of those on his list had not agreed to join, and he only received some acceptances by telegraph just before he saw Her Majesty.

Those of his old colleagues who held aloof were Lord Hartington, Mr. Goschen, and Sir H. James. Unhappily, Chamberlain, who consented to serve, got only a minor position - Secretary to the Local Government Board - instead of being appointed a Secretary of State. He smarted at this slight, for he had earned a higher post. The humiliation thus inflicted cost Ireland dear, and kept us 30 years in the wilderness. The only concession made him was that his friend, Jesse Collings, obtained a small office.

Why Chamberlain’s character and talents should have been under-valued by Gladstone I never understood. He was a man of absolute probity, politically and personally. From his letters to Labouchere I knew he was willing to go great lengths to meet Ireland’s claims, though opposed to the proposal to set up a Dublin Parliament.

In his early days I overheard him reprove a stranger in the lobby in a way which impressed me. He was showing some constituent the Speaker’s Procession, headed by the Serjeant-at-Arms with the Mace, as they enter the House of Commons. The stranger sneered, and I caught Chamberlain’s reply, “I object to no homage that is paid to democracy by officialism.”

Sir Charles Dilke was unseated in 1886, and only for this would have served as a link between Gladstone and Chamberlain during the friction provoked by the Prime Minister’s acceptance of Home Rule.

Morley tried to help Gladstone by intercourse with the Birmingham leader, but the grudge he nourished cannot be clothed in words. Chamberlain felt that if the Irish policy he had been pressing on the Cabinet for years had received consideration, the crisis which was about to rend the Liberal Party would have been averted.

In this welter another storm broke out. T. P. O’Connor had been elected for two constituencies-Liverpool (Scotland Division) and Galway. He decided to sit for Liverpool and light-heartedly assigned his seat in Galway to the late Thomas Quinn, who had been kind to him in sorrow.

T.P. had been jilted by May Carroll, an Irish-American actress, and for this desertion Quinn tried to console him. There was no objection to Quinn from any point of view, and he was afterwards made member for Kilkenny, but Parnell was left out of the calculation. I was startled by a telegram on Friday, 5th February, 1886, from T.P. announcing that Parnell was putting forward Captain O’Shea for Galway, and declaring he would resign in protest if I would join him in resignation.

This was a thunderbolt. Being unaware of T.P.’s attachments, I replied agreeing. May Carroll had just sailed for New York, and letters of hers to the late John Barry show that Barry advised her to accept T.P.’s offer of marriage, but that she refused.

Had he published his telegram to me and my reply, Parnell’s adoption of O’Shea would have been upset, but instead he sped to the Metropole Hotel, London, where Biggar lay abed with a cold, woke him up, and urged him to go with him to Galway.

Biggar sleepily consented, and rose to catch the mail. He would not, however, agree to go farther than Dublin, as he wished to consult me before going to Galway.

T.P. then telegraphed me:

Parliament Street,

5*th February, *1886.

To Healy, M.P., Great Charles Street, Dublin.

“Biggar and I will cross to-night. See Gray [owner of *Freeman] *at once. An article to-morrow would kill the whole thing.”

T. P. O’Connor.

I showed this to Dr. Kenny, M.P., William O’Brien, M.P., and Sexton, M.P. Sexton preferred a candidate named Kennedy, and from T.P. came this telegram:

Millbank Street, S.W.,

5*th February, *1886.

Healy, M.P., Great Charles Street, Dublin.

“Have accepted Sexton’s friend Kennedy. Try get him, Sexton and O’Brien to Galway to-night.

Strongly suspect Chief crossed this morning. Beg Gray insert nothing in to-morrow’s paper to help intrigue.”

T. P. O’Connor.

This readiness to accept any candidate to save Galway from degradation led me at 11p.m. that night to send the *Freeman *a protest, in which I wrote concerning Captain O’Shea:

“Of course it may be that he intends to hold himself out as a Nationalist but in that case the atmosphere of defeat must have forced his conversion with hot-house rapidity. It is not two months since he presented himself to an English constituency as a Liberal - armed in his enterprise with letters of marque from Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Chamberlain, and Lord Richard Grosvenor (Liberal Whip). For six years he sat in Parliament on the Government side of the House, and on nearly every critical occasion he either voted against the Irish Party, or else kept prudently away from embarrassing divisions. If now that he has failed to secure a seat on any other conditions, Captain O’Shea announces himself as a Nationalist, prepared to take the pledge of the Irish Party, the deathbed character of his repentance would be so apparent that his sincerity would at once be questioned… .”

Gray had no love for Parnell, but he realized the completeness of his defeat after the Ennis contest in 1879.** **He, therefore) came to the Imperial Hotel, where Sexton, O’Brien, Dr. Kenny and I were parleying, to say he was reluctant to publish my letter. At 4 a.m. he left, and soon came back with a telegram announcing an election address from O’Shea to Galway, asserting Parnell’s approval of his candidature. He, therefore, refused to publish my protest, having evidently been in telegraphic touch with Parnell.

At dawn we went home to bed. Hardly had I lain down when a knock came to the hall door. I went in my nightshirt to open it, and found T. P. O’Connor and Biggar outside. They had read O’Shea’s address in the *Freeman *at Kingstown Pier. I had not seen it. Biggar, however, declared it made no difference, and that he would go to Galway to oppose O’Shea if we would join him. T.P. then changed round, and said that though O’Shea’s candidature was disgraceful, he would not, in view of Parnell’s endorsement, resist it.

The train for Galway was timed to start in half an hour, and after T.P.’s desertion Biggar appealed to me to go with him. I could not refuse, and therefore dressed for the journey, while he called a cab.

As we left, T.P. from my doorstep implored us against the enterprise which he himself had launched.

On our way to the railway station we visited Sexton to learn his mind. He was abed, and refrained from saying anything by way of approval or disapproval.

So Biggar and I trundled off to the Broadstone Station to take train for Galway. Neither of us had money to pay our fare, but Biggar had wired Kennedy (afterwards Lord Mayor of Dublin) to meet us. He came to the station and lent us cash for our tickets.

Thus, while Gladstone’s Ministry was being formed in London for the accouchement of Home Rule, the husband of Parnell’s mistress provoked a crisis.

We reached Galway on Saturday, 6th February, 1886, and found the borough in uproar. The people were determined to back a local Nationalist named Lynch as their candidate, so Kennedy was dropped. O’Shea had come by an earlier train to commence his canvass.

Biggar and I addressed meetings in favour of Lynch, and Biggar did not shrink from scorching allusions to his opponent. I persuaded the reporter of the *Freeman, *W. H. Brayden, to omit these, but they set the town agog.

The Bishop, the Most Rev. Dr. Carr (soon to be translated to Melbourne as Archbishop), told us that O’Shea had gone down on his knees before him and vowed there was no truth in any allegation which connected his wife’s name with Parnell.

Four years later, when O’Shea began divorce proceedings, the writ assigned the dates of his wife’s misconduct to occasions after the Galway election.

Later he applied to the Court for leave to amend the particulars so as to enable him to allege prior offences. Leave was granted.

Telegrams to Galway poured in on us:

Dublin,**

**Received Galway, *6th February, *1886.

To T. M. Healy, M.P., Railway Hotel, Galway.

“We entreat you do nothing pending further communication.”

T. P. O’Connor, Gray, Leamy, Kenny, Deasy, O’Briend, Harrington.

Chance, M.P., wired: Dublin.

Received Galway, *6th February, *1886.

To T. M. Healy, Esq., M.P., Galway.

“Just heard. Recollect I am at your disposal if I can be useful.”

P. A. Chance.

Next day messages came:

Healy, M.P., Galway, *7th February, *1886.

“One last word of entreaty. Is it possible you do not see how you are victimized? It is a question of life and death. Your dearest friends will be against you.”

O’Brien.

Dublin.

Received *7th February, *1886.

To T. Healy, M.P., Galway.

“We have read telegrams from other friends and concur in every word. No one agrees with you.”

J. Deasy, F. Leamy.

[Whips of Party.]

Dubin, *

7th February, *1886.

To Healy, M.P., Galway.

“I think you believe me true friend. I would prefer to see you dead than pursuing present course.”

[Dr.] Kenny.

To Healy, M.P., Galway.

“For God’s sake remember our position. You both stand against whole party to-morrow. We assure Parnell our allegiance as against you both.

Harrington.

On Sunday morning I sent a note to Colonel Nolan, M.P. (who had been dispatched by Parnell to support O’Shea), explaining my views, in the hope that he would counsel O’Shea to withdraw.

No reply came from Colonel Nolan, and a meeting was held. Parnell then forwarded a telegram to Lynch:

Handed in at Victoria, L.C.D.R.

Received *7th February, *1886.

“I am informed that you are being urged to contest Galway in Opposition to Captain O’Shea. Before you decide, it is my duty to inform you that I leave for Galway to-night to support O’Shea’s candidature, and that the responsibility resting upon you or anybody else who attempts to weaken my power and influence at present juncture will be grave.”

Parnell.

He did not leave London that night; but sent Biggar a telegram marked “Private and confidential.” It recalled their long comradeship, the combats they had endured together, the fidelity which each had shown the other, and implored him that now when the Irish Cause approached the winning-post he would not thwart the purposes of his old and faithful friend.

That such messages could be delivered on a Sunday, when the post office was ordinarily closed, needs explanation. Parnell made arrangements with the Government to have the Galway office kept open “after hours.” The Postmaster sent me this intimation:

From Post Office, Galway.

*7th February, *1886, Sunday.

To T. M. Healy, Esq., M.P., Galway.

“I beg to inform you that the Telegraph Office will be open all day to-day for the receipt of telegrams.”

Your obedient servant,

T. Keating,

Postmaster.

Biggar proposed to reply to Parnell: “Mrs. O’Shea will be your ruin.” He showed me this, and after persuasion I got him to soften it into: “The O’Sheas will be your ruin.

When we came to dispatch the message we saw O’Shea in the telegraph office, and Biggar ejaculated, “I’d give sixpence to know what that fellow is sending.” “Oh,” I said, “make it a Sovereign.” “No, misther,” said he, “sixpence, and no more.”

Outside the office someone suggested “arbitration,” and Biggar delivered himself of the dictum, “Never leave anything to arbitration, misther, unless you have squared the arbitrator!”

Telegrams from O’Shea to Parnell came to my knowledge later. They were five in number, and four of them urged Parnell to come to Galway. The fourth, dispatched on Sunday, concluded thus:

“All hope gone unless you can come at once. Things have gone so far that the presence of anyone except yourself would not save the situation.”

O’Shea

On Monday, 8th February, Lynch was nominated against O’Shea, who wired Parnell:

“Private pressure has been placed on Lynch without result, and even if he retired another candidate would be immediately forthcoming. So the fight must be faced.”

O’Shea.

In Dublin, T. P. O’Connor was not idle. That day nearly all members of the Irish Party received telegrams such as follow:

Dublin, 8*th February, *1886.

To Murphy, M.P., Dartry, Rathmines.

“Parnell has intimated to us his leadership at stake in Galway contest Healy’s speech has created impression that party generally is against Parnell. Will you authorize us attach your name with ours to public declaration upholding Parnell. Awaiting reply. Wire.”

T. P. O’Connor, Sexton, Esmonde, Leamy, T. P. Gill, T. Harrington, Wm. O’Brien. Imperial Hotel.

Murphy refused to append his name.

On that day, in Eyre Square, Galway, I met Sir Thomas Brady (Fishery Inspector), who had called on O’Shea and advised him to withdraw. He answered that Parnell was coming to his relief, but Sir Thomas laughed incredulously.

O’Shea scolded him at the hotel-door in this wise: “Do you see that boy running errands across the square? ” “Yes,” said Brady.

“Well,” O’Shea boasted, “I’ll make Parnell run faster on my errands to-morrow than that fellow is hopping now.”

Lynch’s nomination led to further telegrams:

Dublin.

Received Galway, *8th February, *1886.

To Healy, M.P., Galway.

“Parnell telegraphs following to Gray: “Advise friends that I have promised, if certain person [Chamberlain] adopted his Chief’s views regarding Irish Government, O’Shea should have my strongest support. I consequently feel bound if not returned to resign my seat. Ask friends if under these circumstances feel desire to see me.""

Deasy [Party Whip].

Dublin, *8th February, *1886.

To T. M. Healy, M.P., Galway.

“My information to-night convinces me of the vital importance of carrying out Parnell’s policy and of the ruinous effect of defeating him. I entreat you to reconsider your action before it is too late, and to subordinate your personal feelings to those of Parnell and to try and induce Lynch to retire. Office open.”

Gray *[Freeman *Owner].

Even if we believed the taradiddle which Parnell wired to Gray about Chamberlain (I had previously read sheaves of Chamberiam’s letters to Labouchere against Home Rule), it was impossible to withdraw a candidate who had been legally nominated.

A message from Liverpool on the 8th February to Lynch ran:

“Resolution passed meeting 600 Nationalists that we humbly endorse the action of Healy and Biggar in going to Galway to oppose O’Shea’s candidature, and trust the Nationalists of Galway will by returning honest Michael Lynch remove once and for all a mischievous Whig intriguer from the field of Irish politics.”

Mulhall, Secretary.

Two final wires were sent me by William O’Brien:

Dublin.

Received at Galway, 8th *February, *1886.

“Message from me to-night. Do not, this evening, make conciliation impossible.” *

8th February, *1886.

“Don’t take any action till you hear from me again.”

O’Brien,

Then Parnell wired O’Shea for the first time:

London, *8th February, *1886.

“Will arrive Tuesday morning. Believe can overcome difficulty.”

On the same night William O’Brien descended on Galway. He informed us that seventy members of the Party had signed a protest against our action in response to telegrams sent out by T. P. O’Connor and himself. Biggar went calmly to bed.

Next day the Party manifesto appeared in the *Freeman. *As soon as O’Brien arrived, he received from T. P. O’Connor this telegram:

Received Galway, 9*th February, *1886.

O’Brien, M.P., Railway Hotel, Galway.

“Am personally in favour of Parnell’s acceptance of settlement outside Galway. Will telegraph to Athlone immediately after seeing him.”

O’Connor.

Mat Harris, M.P., who had been T. P. O’Connor’s main helper in Galway in 1880, wired:

London, *9th February, *1886.

Timothy Healy, M.P., Galway.

“If you give way to Parnell now and make provision for liberty by giving selection of members in future to committee elected by the Party you will accomplish a great work.

Compromise on this basis, as public feeling here is strongly against disunion. Lynch is my friend, and an honest Nationalist. I ask him to do what in like case I would do myself.

Do not be led astray by excitement of the people. Their course is right but inexpedient at present. Answer.”

Mat Harris,

(M.P. for Co. Galway).

Mat Kenny, M.P., telegraphed:

*9th February, *1886.

Healy, M.P., Railway Hotel, Galway.

“Three men passed bogus resolutions, Kilrush. They received £20 from O’Shea eight months ago in view General Election. I wired Biggar that my name was placed on Declaration only on condition of your and his approval. Will withdraw if you advise, and take any course you wish. Wire reply.”

M. J. Kenny,

7 Danes Inn, Strand.

A message from T. D. Sullivan, M.P., ran:

To T. M. Healy, M.P., Galway.

“I wish to say that I do not think the question at issue in Galway is rightly stated in the document signed by certain of the Irish members in this day’s *Freeman. *In the present circumstances of the case so far as they are known to me I would regard the election of O’Shea as a grievous injury to the Irish National Cause.”

T. D. Sullivan.

Ecclesiastical communications declared:

Limerick, *9th February, *1886. Healy, Railway Hotel, Galway.

“No question of union or disunion. Beg you consider position. You have done your part. Am joined by Archbishop of Dublin.”

Bishop Carr.

Limerick, 9th February, 1886.

To Healy, M.P., Galway.

“Wire Thurles how matters stand and likely end.”

Archbishop Croke.

Parnell’s Belfast agents telegraphed without giving their names:

Waring Street, Belfast.

Received Galway, *9th February, *1886.

To Healy, M.P., Galway.

“At Belfast Commercial News Room, admiring crowd reading exultantly each arriving telegram detailing Galway split, crying out *“esto perpetua.” *There is end of Home Rule. Healy said often, Parnell always right. Let Healy again merit nation’s gratitude and submit. Respect his chief Ireland’s trusted leader. Messrs. Healy and Biggar ought not satisfy heartfelt desire of Roaring Hanna and Grandmaster Kane.”

On Tuesday, 9th February, 1886, Parnell arrived in Galway squired by James O’Kelly, T. P O’Connor, Sexton, and others.

A hostile crowd met them, and Parnell, seeing their anger, doffed his hat as if they came to give him welcome. He then withdrew by the subway to the Railway Hotel to discuss the situation with Biggar and myself.

He came on the train that bore the *Freeman *which published the signatures of the majority of the Party in support of O’Shea’s candidature. We soon sat round a table in the hotel to discuss the position, and talked with due restraint. Suddenly Parnell put forth his arm with an eloquent gesture, declaring, “I hold an Irish Parliament in the hollow of this hand. The man who strikes at my hand strikes at the hopes of the Irish Nation!”

He knew my affection for Biggar, and believed that Biggar would not persist if an accommodation with me could be patched up. Parnell’s earlier thought was to detach Biggar from me by telegram. When that failed, he resorted to other devices to spare himself the humiliation of coming to Galway. O’Shea’s grip on him, however, was too tight, and the boast to Sir Thomas Brady by O’Shea was too true, that he would make him run on his errands.

Biggar was disdainful of Parnell’s sophistries and threw off all respect for him. He cared little about his relations with Mrs. O’Shea, but revolted at his years-long neglect of Ireland and his duty as leader.

Parnell’s intrigue should not, Biggar said, be allowed to stand in the way of political obligations, and no seat should be sold to a worthless woman’s husband. Biggar was not a purist, but urged that private vices should be kept private, and ought not to be imported into political issues. He was prepared to bring about the downfall of Parnell, in spite of the fact that Gladstone was in treaty with him for a Home Rule Bill. I differed.

Neither of us had calculated that Parnell would face shame in coming to Galway after Lynch’s nomination before the Sheriff. We believed his messages and threats were mere devices to compel us to withdraw.

Lynch could easily have been elected, but I thought once Parnell appeared in person to support O’Shea his defeat would be harmful to Ireland. Gladstone had taken office to propose Home Rule, and mischief might ensue if Parnell’s prestige were hurt. Biggar disagreed. Both of us failed to realize the depths to which the “Chief” had sunk.

Biggar wanted to thwart him, and though I held Joe’s opinion higher than any man’s, the decision of the majority of the Party bound me, as I was the author of the “Pledge.” Biggar’s courage and strength were superb. We loved each other, and in atonement to his memory I allow that he was right in 1886 (save for the declaration of the Party) in wishing to hold out against O’Shea.

No gain for Ireland came by propping up Parnell’s worm-eaten pedestal, and within four years O’Shea remorselessly overthrew it.

After long discourse with Parnell, I agreed that, if he addressed a meeting of the citizens and secured their approval, I should withdraw from the contest if Lynch was given a seat elsewhere. Biggar had often told me that Parnell would go from bad to worse, and was “used up,” but I never expected this scandal. Having made a protest, however, I felt that the infamy of acquiescence was not ours, and that we were fettered by the decision of the majority of our colleagues. Parnell promised Lynch the next vacant seat elsewhere, and the news of the compromise spread like wildfire. Half an hour later the hall to which the burgesses were invited was packed.

O’Shea sank out of sight, and though Lynch had been nominated, electoral law vanished. In a low-ceilinged building, formerly a chapel or priory, the voters met. Parnell assumed the chair. Someone saw a police inspector from Ballinasloe in plain clothes enter the hall as if he were an elector. Parnell was told this, and a voice from the platform cried, “Would District-Inspector Alan Bell of the R.I.C. kindly retire.” He left hastily.

Although a Home Rule Government was in power, this officer had come 20 miles out of his beat to spy on the meeting. His fate was tragic. Selected to assist J. A. Curran in 1882-3 in the secret inquiries as to the Phoenix Park murders, he was promoted for efficiency. In 1888 Dublin Castle entrusted him with the files regarding Irish crime, which he brought to London to help *The Times *in the Forgery Commission. This enabled him to draw fees from the Secret Service fund and from *The Times. *Next he was rewarded by being made a resident magistrate (stipendiary).

He held the secret inquiries of 1920 in Dublin. There he was taken from a tramcar near Ballsbridge and to the cry: “Now, Mr. Bell, get out!” was shot. His widow received the largest compensation paid to the relative of any victim.

Parnell’s speech in Galway began with a reference to his position, his hopes for Ireland, his responsibilities. Its peroration was:

“If my candidate is defeated, the news will spread round the universe that a disaster has overwhelmed Ireland. The world will say, ‘Parnell is beaten. Ireland has no longer a leader.’”

The audience swayed under this fudgy oratory. Men’s faces paled and flushed and flushed and paled. A hum of voices arose. Then Lynch came forward and withdrew. The meeting grew unanimous, save for one great soul. A humpbacked figure strode to the front of the platform. It was Biggar, and despite every effort of Parnell to restrain him, he insisted on being heard. He declared, “Mr. Chairman, all I have to say is, I can’t agree with what you state, and if Mr. Lynch goes to the poll I’ll support him!”

I have heard 10,000 speeches, but this was the staunchest to which I ever listened.

His words made Parnell’s face contract. Ashen cheeks displayed emotion, and in a hollow voice Parnell put the question that the husband of his mistress should become the “National” candidate for Galway. With a gulp he declared it carried, and doubtless then felt assured that he had purchased unassailable relations with Mrs. O’Shea. If his heart-strings writhed, his stoicism did not fail.

That night, before Biggar and I left for Dublin, he begged us to dine with him. We could not well refuse. It was a sad feast - to which O’Shea was not invited.

We caught the night mall, by which Sexton and O’Brien also travelled. Parnell stayed behind with T. P. O’Connor to help O’Shea, because, as he pleasantly remarked, “I have to undo the effect of many powerful speeches I

On our journey to Dublin Biggar slept, yet would wake up occasionally and, smoothing his sealskin vest, denounce in turn O’Shea, his wife, and T. P. O’Connor

Mutteringly he repeated, “I took a ticket from London to Dublin. T.P. took a ticket to Galway. I went to Galway. T.P. stayed in Dublin!” He added other pungent sayings - alas, unprintable,

Next day (10th February, 1886) Parnell assured a Galway audience: “I take this opportunity of telling you that if I had known that Mr. Lynch was coming forward I should have cheerfully accepted him, because I believe him to be in every respect an honest man and a gentleman, suited in every way to represent with honest ability the people of Galway. In the duty which devolved upon me as leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, and of the Nation, to advise the people of Galway with regard to the selection of their candidate, it became necessary for me to inquire some 10 days ago as to whether there was any local candidate in existence who desired to offer himself to the constituency, and I was informed, on authority, by Mr. O’Connor, that the only local candidate, Mr. Lynch, would not offer himself, that he had expressly declined to come forward, and that he did not desire, and could not be induced under any circumstances, to offer himself to the constituency. It, therefore, became necessary for me to look around for some outside person not connected with the town, and the best candidate that I could find was Captain O’Shea.”

No one of course believed Parnell, but a lie never daunted him.

The undertaking to Lynch, as a term of his withdrawal, that he would be nominated for the next vacancy, was broken. Lynch had been mistaken enough to ask his new member for help for some local supporter, and O’Shea published his letter in *The Times, *as evidencing the character of “a patriot proud and pure.” O’Shea also wrote that he was returned as a Liberal, and not as a Nationalist.

Barry O’Brien’s Life of Parnell gave an account of the election, which led T. P. O’Connor to issue a writ in 1898 for an injunction to restrain the circulation of his book. I did not then know Barry O’Brien, but he wired me that his publishers would withdraw the work, unless I could help him. I sent, therefore, the telegrams printed herein, and his publishers defied assault. A few days later the Freeman announced that T. P. O’Connor, having consulted Sir Edward Carson, decided to go no further with the suit.

After I quitted Galway, William O’Brien asked me to attend an election meeting next day to support the late Stephen O’Mara, a veteran Nationalist, as candidate for Queen’s County. I did so, but on returning to Dublin that evening I informed O’Brien that I could no longer write for United Ireland.

He sent me a message begging me to see him, and I went to his office. There I persisted in my refusal, and left him with a feeling of a broken friendship. No two men had worked in closer relations. In the five years of our collaboration he never changed a comma of anything I wrote, save once. That change is in a small way historic.

In the autumn of 1885 a proposal for a compromise on Home Rule appeared in the *Fortnightly Review, *written (if not signed) by the late Sir George Fottrell. It suggested the creation of Provincial Councils in Dublin and Belfast, with possibly a Central Council. (I write from memory.) It was on the eve of the General Election, and the article was asserted to have Chamberlain’s approval or inspiration. I framed a “leader” for *United Ireland *assailing the scheme. On the “proof” coming to O’Brien he showed me a letter from Parnell asking that no attack on it should be made, and begged me to change what I had written.

I refused, but told him that, as editor, the responsibility was his, not mine, and that I should not care what alterations he inserted, though for myself I would not change a word. O’Brien then made omissions and additions, as he was entitled to do. To Parnell his devotion was akin to that of the Old Guard towards Napoleon. The incident had created no friction between us, and I went on helping him as before, until the Galway horror brought my contributions to an end.

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