Duggan gives his account..

Duggan the Informer

The allusion to Duggan and M’Guickan in the foregoing letter reminds us that of both we have something curious to tell.

M’Guickan, already alluded to, and to whom we promised to return, invariably acted as solicitor to the United Irishmen. He performed with much skill the part of an ardent patriot, possessed the entire confidence of the popular party, was a member of the Northern Directory of United Irishmen, and long subsequent to 1798 spoke with much spirit at Catholic meetings. The *Cornwallis Papers *confirm the almost incredible statement that M’Guickan revealed to the Government, for money, the secrets of his clients and friends. In the trials which followed the partial outbreak in 1798, M’Guickan constantly figured as legal adviser for the rebel leaders of Ulster. This man was, as we havc said, tampered with, corrupted, and eventually pensioned. He survived until 1817. Exclusive of his pension, he received, as gentle stimulants, various sums amounting altogether to nearly £1,500.

Mr John Murray of Downpatrick, in a letter, dated December 26, 1865, thus refers to M’Guickan -“I knew M’Guickan well; he was an attorney, and kept his office in Fountain Lane, Belfast. Such was the plausibility of the villain that he was able to pass himself off as a philanthropist, as well as a patriot and as such actually joined with Dr Drennan, Charles Hamilton Teeling, Putman M’Cabe, Stephen Wall, Joe Smyth, and others, on the managing committee of the Cotton Court Sunday School - an excellent establishment, by the way, and precursor of Sunday schools in Belfast. M’Guickan was also a member of the Belfast Harp Society.

“In the memorable year of 1811, when Ireland was agitated from centre to sea, when a Tory Government attempted to restrict the sacred and inalienable right of petition for redress of grievance, it was then the Catholics of this country rose in their might and boldly flung in the teeth of their rulers the daring circular of Wellesley Pole. The Catholics of Antrim held their county meeting in St Patrick’s Church, Belfast, when the arch-traitor, who had ingratiated himself into the respect of his countrymen, was actually chosen secretary to that meeting.

“The impress of his personal appearance remains fixed on my mind as of yesterday, as I saw him, pen in hand, sit beside the noble chairman, who, with numerous Protestants and Presbyterians, generously came forward to assist us at that critical period.

“As to the exit of M’Guickan, if only one-half of what is said of him be true, his latter end was even more miserable than that of Jemmy O’Brien himself. No doubt Jemmy was ready to ‘dip the Evangelists in blood,’ but here was a wretch even worse, who, in addition, set every principle of honour and justice at defiance.”

Bernard Duggan, a native of Tyrone, took a leading part in the rebellions of 1798 and 1803. Sir Richard Musgrave describes him as mounted on a white horse at the battle of Prosperous, and boasting that he was as good a man as the military commander of that district, Captain Swayne. In Robert Emmet’s conspiracy of 1803, Duggan was a zealous ally. He wrote a narrative of his connexion with that movement and presented it to Mr John C. O’Callaghan, who has kindly handed it to us for publication.

Duggan was arrested and imprisoned; but he seems to have made terms with the Government. No trial took place, and he was set at large “like a roaring lion, seeking whom he might devour.” For 40 years subsequently, we find Duggan regarded by the national party as a venerable and uncompromising patriot. It awakens painful emotions to attempt to estimate the extent of the mischief of which this hoary-headed wretch was then father. It must, indeed, have been enormous; but thanks to the vigilance of Dr, now Sir John Gray, Duggan was at last unmasked. On August 25, 1858, we noted some interesting facts regarding this discovery, communicated to us in conversation by Sir John Gray, who, in reply to a question front us as to whether we are at liberty to publish them, is good enough to reply affirmatively. We append the original jottings, which Sir John Gray pronounces to be perfectly accurate:-

Spoke of the receipts for secret-service money. Dr Gray went to Connaught in 1843 to see his father, who was ill, and called on the Rev. Joseph Darcy Sirr, rector of Kicoleman, biographer of Archbishop Trench, and son of the notorious Major Sirr. Dr Gray found him examining a mass of old documents spread over his study table. “Here, you rebel repealer,” said Mr Sirr, playfully, “some of these will interest you; they are chiefly the communications of iformers to my late father.”

[“Repealer” and “rebel” were not unfrequently regarded as synonymous words; and the organs of Earl de Grey and the Orangemen urged, in prose and verse, that the Repealers should be dealt with as Lords Camden; Castlereagh, and Clare dealt with the United Irishmen. In November 1843, the *Packet *sang

“These, these are the secrets

Of peace in our land-

The scourge for the back,

For the forehead the brand;

The chain for the neck,

And the gyves for the heel;

Till the Scaffold lets loose

The base blood of Repeal!”]

Dr Gray road some of them over; and having observed one particular letter, he started, saying, “I have seen that handwriting before; can you tell me who is ‘D.?’” The letter, communicating the result of some mercenary espionage to the Major, was merely signed “D.” “There are many other letters from the same party,” observed Mr Sirr. “I cannot discover who he can be; his letters extend over upwards of 30 years, and I think the writer has not less than thirty *aliases. *He was a most remarkable man; and if you wish to unravel the mystery, you can have all facilities; so send home your conveyance, and remain for the day.” Dr, Gray embraced the proposal, and devoted several hours to following up the scent. He was familiar with the writing, though he could not recall to mind the name or individuality of the writer. At last a receipt for a small amount was discovered, signed “B. Duggan,” the date of which was about 1806. Dr Gray, in ecstasy, exclaimed: “I have him! I know him well ! he was with me yesterday!” “Impossible!” cried Mr Sirr, ” he must be dead long since.” A comparison of the handwriting left no doubt of the identity of the scoundrel. The spy, who had grown hoary, and to outward appearances venerable, in his infamous employment, had repeatedly addressed letters to Dr. Gray, breathing a strong spirit of patriotism and nationality. Dr Gray, as editor of a highly influential organ of O’Connell’s policy, was specially marked out for game by the designing Duggan, who, for 40 years, enjoyed the reputation of an earnest and zealous patriot, was even entertained at dinner by a member of the Catholic Association, and contrived to insinuate himself into the confidence of many of the national party.

He was introduced by letter to Dr Gray, by a leading member of the Young Ireland section of the Repeal Association Committee, who described him as a rebel of ‘98, who could assist Dr Gray by his personal memory of events in perfecting some notes on the history of the United Irishmen, on which Dr Gray was then engaged. Dr Gray soon ascertained that Duggan possessed much traditionary knowledge of the events and of the men of the period, and gave Duggan a small weekly stipend for writing his ” personal recollections.”

He observed before long that Duggan’s visits became needlessly frequent, and that he almost invariably endeavoured to diverge from ‘98 and make suggestions as to ‘43. This tendency excited more amusement than suspicion ; and the first real doubt as to the true character of Duggan was suggested to his mind thus. Duggan said he was about to commence business, and was collecting some subscriptions. Dr Gray gave him two pounds; and Duggan at once handed across a sheet of blank paper, saying, “I will have twenty pounds in three days, if you write the names of ten or twelve gentlemen on whom I may call; they won’t refuse if they see their names in your handwriting.” [Mr O’Callaghan informs us that Duggan also solicited him to affix his signature to a document.] Almost in the same breath he named half a dozen members of the Repeal Association, most of them members of the Young Ireland section, adding, “I know these gentlemen will aid me for all I suffered since ‘98.”

The former efforts of Duggan to get into conversation as to present politics at once flashed across the Doctor’s memory, and he politely declined to write the required list; which, possibly, was designed by Duggan and his abettors to flourish at some future state trial, as the veritable list of the Provisional Government of Ireland, in the handwriting of the proposer of the project for forming arbitration courts throughout Ireland, as substitutes for the local tribunals that were deprived of popular confidence by the dismissal of all magistrates who were repealers.

It was during the same week that Dr Gray discovered Duggan’s real character in the course of the visit to the parsonage already described. All the facts as here given were rapidly told to his reverend friend, who, ascribing the discovery to a special providence, begged the “life” of Duggan, explaining that the papers before him showed that the fate of detected informers in ‘98 was death. The sincerity with which the good parson pleaded for the life of Duggan was a most amusing episode in the little drama. His fears were, however, soon allayed by the assurance that Dr. Gray belonged to the O’Connell section of politicians, and that the only punishment that awaited Duggan was exposure. The parson would not be convinced; and, under the plea that Dr. Gray was allowed as a private friend to see the papers that convicted Duggan, he extorted a promise that there should be no public exposure of Duggan, but allowed Dr Gray within this limit to use the information he acquired at his own discretion.

Duggan was, in truth, a master of duplicity. In the Sirr papers he is found writing under various signatures. “At one time,” said Dr Gray, “he personated a priest, and on other occasions a peddler and a smuggler. He wrote to Major Sirr for a hogshead of tobacco, and for £15 to buy a case of pistols for personal protection. In one year alone he got £500.”

“As soon,” added Dr Gray, “as I discovered the character of this base spy, I returned to Dublin, and lost no time in apprising Duffy, Davis, Pigot, O’Callaghan, and every member of the national party, of the precipice on which they stood, and undertook to O’Connell that I would cause Duggan to make himself scarce without violating my promise to Mr Sirr that he should not be exposed to public indignation.”

A letter addressed to us on August 20, 1865, by Mr Martin Haverty, the able author of “The history of Ireland Ancient and Modern,” supplies an interesting reminiscence:-

“One day, during the memorable repeal year 1843, Sir John Gray invited me to breakfast telling me that I should meet a very singular character - a relic of ‘98, but intimating that he had his doubts about this person, and that the object of my visit was chiefly that their interview should not be without a witness.

“I may tell you that I never belonged to any political party in Ireland. I always felt an innate repugnance for the manner, principles, &c. of the Young Irelanders, and was convinced that I loved my country at least as sincerely, tenderly, and ardently as any of them. I never had much faith in mere politicians, though my sympathies were O’Connellite, and Sir John Gray had perfect confidence in me.

“We were after breakfast when Bernard Duggan was brought into the room. I was introduced to him as a friend of Ireland, before whom he might speak freely. It was easy enough to bring him out. - he spoke at random about the pike-training in ‘98 - that the people were now ready enough to fight - they only wanted to be called out - and the pike was the best thing for them. He appeared to me ridiculously sanguine of success, and to regard the men of the present day as poltroons for not taking the field.

“I believe I am too ‘green’ to detect dishonesty very readily; and the first impression the scoundrel made on me was twofold - that he was a singularly hale old fellow for his age, and that he was an infatuated old fool. But if I could have felt sure that he was an informer, I would have shrunk from him as from a murderer. Sir John Gray evidently understood the fellow better, and seemed perfectly able for him.”

The grand *finale *of this curious episode remains to be told. Shortly after he introduced Duggan to Mr Haverty, and after the old spy had time to develop the views indicated in Mr Haverty’s letter, the Doctor suddenly, with his eye fixed on him, as though he could read his inmost soul, exclaimed: “Barney, you think I do not know you. I know you better than you know yourself. Do you remember when you were dressed as a priest at Dundalk?” He writhed, and tried to turn the conversation. Dr Gray probed and stabbed him, one by one, with all the points which he had gathered from the informer’s own letters to Major Sirr. It was pitiable to watch the struggles and agonies of the old man; he was ghastly pale, and he shook in every nerve. He finally lost all self-command, and flung himself on his knees at the feet of Dr Gray, imploring mercy. He seemed to think that pikemen were outside ready to rush in and kill hint. “Give me,” he said, “but 12 hours; I will leave the country, and you will never see me again ” He tottered from the room, left Ireland, and did not return for many years. Amongst his first visits was one to Dr Gray, to whom he confessed his guilt, adding that he was near his end. He received some trifling relief, and shortly after died.

Preserved with Duggan’s letters to Sirr, a note in the autograph of the latter exists, stating that Duggan, no doubt, shot Mr Darragh, a Terrorist, at iris own hall-door, in 1791, when in the act of pretending to hand him a letter; and further, that Duggan was the man who attempted the life of Mr Clarke, in Dublin, on July 22d, 1803. In the London *Courier, *of the 30th July following, we find this paragraph in a letter from Dublin, descriptive of the then state of Ireland:-

“Mr Clarke, of Palmerstown, a magistrate of the county of Dublin, as he was returning from his attendance at the Castle, was fired at, on the quay, and dangerously wounded, several slugs having been lodged in his shoulder and breast. The villain who discharged the blunderbuss at Mr Clarke immediately cried out, ‘Where did you come from now?’ It appears that two of them, taken by Mr Justice Bell and Mr Wilson, were residenters in the neighbourhood of Mr Clarke, and had come to this city from Palmerstown.”

That the man who, in 1803, was overflowing with indignant disgust at the idea of a magistrate discharging his duty by communicating at the Castle news of seditious proceedings, should suddenly tergiversate, and, throughout a period of nearly half a century, become a mercenary spy to the Castle, opens a wide field for thought to those who like to study weak humanity.

We rather think that the long letter published in the Duke of Wellington’s Irish correspondence, dated Nenagh, 6th Feb., 1808, is from Duggan. The letter is addressed to an understrapper of the Castle, not to the Duke, who, however, prefaces it by saying that it “comes from a man who was sent into the counties of Tipperary and Limerick to inquire respecting the organisation of Liberty Rangers.” “They are damned cunning in letting any stranger know anything of their doings,” writes the spy. “I assure you I could not find anything of their secrets, though I have tried every artifice, by avowing myself an utter enemy to the present constitution, and even drinking seditious toasts, though they seemed to like me for so doing, and still I could not make any hand of them anywhere, more than to find they are actually inclined to rebellion in every quarter of the country through which I have passed. Even in the mountains they are as bad as in the towns.”

Duggan, during the political excitement of the Repeal year, contrived to get himself introduced to many of the popular leaders; and when the intervention of a mutual friend was not attainable, he waived ceremony and introduced himself. Among others on whom he called in this way was John Cornelius O’Callaghan, author of the *Green Book, *and designer of the Repeal Cards, to whom the Attorney-General made special reference in the state trials of the time. Mr O’Callaghan did not give Duggan much encouragement; but, in order to strengthen his footing, Duggan presented him with the following MS., written entirely in his own hand, which is now published for the first time. The reader must bear in mind that the writer was originally a humble artisan, who had received no education beyond that furnished by a hedge school.

It will be observed that he speaks of himself throughout, not in the first person, but as “Bernard O’Dougan.”

Personal Narrative of Bernard Duggan

“At the time that Mr Robert Emmet commenced his preparations for a revolution in Ireland, in the year 1803, he was after returning from France, and there came a few gentlemen along with him, Mr Russell, and Counsellor Hamilton , [Dacre Hamilton is noticed in Moore’s Memoirs, (i. 62,) as the attached friend of Emmet, though “innocent of his plans.” There can be little doubt, however, that like Russet who lost his head, he was fully implicated in them. - W. J. F’.] and Michael Quigley, [Quigley survived until the year 1849. Successive notices of him appear in the *Nation *of that year.] who had been nominated one of the rebel captains of 1798, and had signed the treaty of peace along with the other officers of the rebel party of the camp that lay at Prosperous, in the county of Kildare; where the Wexford and Wicklow men came and met the Kildare men, who were all invited by a flag of truce from Government, and hostages given by the generals of the king’s troops - namely, Major Cope and Captain Courtney, of the Armagh militia, who were kept in custody and in charge with Bernard Dougan, for the space of two hours, until 18 of the rebel officers of the Wexford, Wicklow, and Kildare, returned back after signing the articles of peace, which was then concluded between the Government and the people, and which put an end to the rebellion.

“The conditions were, a free pardon to all men acting in furtherance of the rebellion, except officers, who were to give themselves up to Government, and to remain state prisoners until Government thought it safe to let them go into any country they pleased, that was not in war with his majesty, which conditions they had to sign, and it was called the Banishment Bill. They got three days of a parole of honour, to take leave of their friends, before they gave themselves up as prisoners. The breach of any part of these conditions was, not only to forfeit their pardon, but to be treated in any kind of way that the Government should think proper.

“Now, Mr Quigley broke these articles when he returned to Ireland after signing the Banishment Bill at his liberation and departure according to agreement, which caused him to assume the name of Graham in all companies, and none knew to the reverse but his own companions who were in the depot, and his particular acquaintances in the country, who were all true to the cause of his return with Mr Emmet; and none even discovered or informed in any kind of way previous to the failure of the efforts for freedom on the 23d of July 1803, which caused great consternation to the Government.

“The Secretary of State, Mr Wickham, cried out with astonishment, to think that such a preparation for revolution could be carried on in the very bosom of the seat of Government, without discovery, for so long a time, when any of the party could have made their fortunes by a disclosure of the plot, and remarked at the same time, in presence of Mr Stafford, and the two Mr Parrots, John and William, that it was because they were mostly all mechanical operatives, or working people of the low order of society, that the thing was kept so profound; and said, that if any or a number of the higher orders of society, had been connected, they would divulge the plot for the sake of gain. These expressions occurred at the castle, when Quigley, Stafford, and the two Parrots were brought prisoners to Dublin from Artfry, in the county of Galway, where they fled to after the death of Mr Emmet.

Bernard O’Dougan was also at Artfly, but had escaped from being arrested by his going in a sailing boat across the Bay of Galway, to make it a place of retirement for the whole party, five in number, until they would get an account from Dublin, where they sent a messenger, who had been arrested and detained a prisoner, although being a native of the county of Galway, and no way connected with Mr. Emmet, only going on a message to Dublin for these five men, who passed off as bathers at the salt water. The messenger was only known to some of the party where he was sent, and could not be arrested without information of some of that party, who have been found out since, and will be treated of in another place. Mr Emmet wished to get acquainted with the men that distinguished themselves most in the year 1798, and he was aware that Quigley knew these men, which was one cause for bringing him (Quigley) along with him from France.

Mr Emmet had also the knowledge of the other men that had been in confidence in the year 1798 as delegates, some of whom he employed as agents to forward his plans. James Hope, from Belfast, was one that he, perhaps, got an account of from some of the United Irishmen that were in France. Although Hope did not distinguish himself in battle, he was trustworthy, and lived in Dublin at that time; he was a true patriot, and he was soon found out for Mr Emmet, and sent to Bernard O’Dougan, who lived in Palmerstown.

At this time, after O’D. had been liberated out of Naas gaol where he had been a state prisoner, he was obliged to quit the county Kildare, where he had been tried for high treason and the rebellion of 1798, the murder of Captain Swain, and the battle of Prosperous. These facts were sworn against him and another young man of the name of Thomas Wylde, and proved to the satisfaction of the court, as may be seen by Lord Longville’s speech in the first Parliament after the union of Great Britain and Ireland, but were both honourably acquitted by the Amnesty Act, (though detained as state prisoners,) which had been framed according. to agreement of the peace between the Government and the rebels, as hath been explained heretofore.

O’Dougan was called on also much at the same time by Quigley and Wylde, on the same business as Hope had with him, giving him to know what was intended by Mr Emmet. On this invitation, B. O’Dougan came into Dublin and met Mr Emmet’s party. At the same time there was but few in number, about five or six; but they were confident in the disposition of all such of their countrymen, as far as their influence went, which was not a little at that time, that they would have numbers to join their cause, and was the chief part that did come at the day appointed.

Henry Howley was brought by O’Dougan, and Edward Condon also. H. Howley took the depot in Thomas Street, with its entrance in Marshal Lane; then John Bourk, of Naas, and Richard Eustace, from the same place, and also a young man of the name of Joseph White, from the county Kildare, near Rathcoffey; there was another person of the name of Christopher Nowlan. These men continued to collect into the depot pikes from the different places where the smiths would leave them concealed, and also to bring in the timber for the pike handles; and also powder and balls, and to make them into cartridges, and put handles into the pikes.

These men, for the most part, were always attendant on the depot, preparing the pikes and cartridges, and bringing in guns, pistols, and blunderbusses, and all other requisites for rockets, &c. Pat Finerty was also employed in the depot; and occasionally these men could bring several of their own particular friends into the depot, to help the manufacture of cartridges and other preparations for rockets, making pikes, and putting handles in them.

O’Dougan, Bourk, and Condon brought in the powder and balls from the different places, but for the most part from Hinchey’s at the corner of Cuffe Street, who was licensed for selling gunpowder, and got it from the Government stores, so that there was a vast preparation; and all things went on well until the explosion of the depot in Patrick Street on the evening of the 16th, which deranged the projects that were in contemplation. O’Dougan, Bourk, and Condon were ordered by Mr Emmet to go down to Patrick Street depot to get the rockets filled.

It should be remarked that the men of the other depots had no recourse to the one in Thomas Street, but the particular men of Thomas Street had recourse to all places; and O’Dougan often went as a guard to protect Mr Emmet, lest he should be surprised by any of Major Sirr’s or any other spy from Govermnent. O’Dougan was appointed aide-do-camp to Mr Emmet, but the circumstance of derangement from the time of that explosion put everything in confusion and disorder.

When those three men came into the depot in Patrick Street, the preparation was not in readiness for the rockets, and many other disorders existed, which caused O’Dougan, Bourk, and Condon to return back to the depot in Thomas Street, as nothing could be done at that time. It was M’Intosh, and the Keenans, Arthur Develin, and George M’Donald, and a few others, that were blown up at the time of the explosion, some of whom expired in Madame Steevens’s hospital afterwards; these were all in the depot, and it is a great wonder they were not all blown up.

O’Dougan, Bourk, and Condon were only about a quarter of an hour gone when the explosion took place. It was occasioned by the experiments trying on the fusees to know the length of time they would burn, and by neglect let the fire get into the joint of the table, where there had been some meal powder, which communicated to some saltpetre that had been out all day before the sun drying, after it had been purified, and which exploded, and almost burst the house, and killed and wounded three, and was near destroying all that were in the place. The other powders escaped the flame, and nearly all was got safe out of the place unperceived, but was attacked by the watchmen, who were soon knocked over.

There were some secret cells in the depot that were not found out until after the arrest of Quigley, which will be treated of elsewhere. Some of the men that belonged to the depot of Patrick Street were brought prisoners to Thomas Street depot, and kept confined until the night of the 23d, particularly George M’Donald; but this shall be treated of in another place. There was great apprehension entertained for fear of discovery from that time of the explosion, and there was great inquiry and look out on the part of Major Sirr and his satellites, which caused a precipitate movement in Mr Emmet’s affairs.

The men in the different counties might have time to act, as their look-out was the city of Dublin to free itself; but the orders from the generals contiguous to the city, either not having sufficient time to collect their men, or from other neglect, prevented them from coming in according to order and premise. Dwyer was to come with his mountain battalions, and the Wexfords were to come in thousands; but none of them made their appearance up to four or five o’clock, nor any account of them. None showed their faces but the men of the county Kildare, and part of the county Dublin that lay adjacent. They came from Naas, Prosperous, and Kilcullen, a few from Maynooth and Leixlip, and Lucan a few; Palmerstown turned out almost to a man. This was the place where O’Dougan lived from the time of his liberation from prison for complicity in the rebellion of 1798, and he had great influence among the people of that part of the neighbourhood of Dublin, and they were very much attached to him; and O’Dougan had his friends on the close look-out knowing as he did the artfulness and the intrigue of Government, being a state prisoner, where experience teaches the depth of the artful schemes of Government, which no one can fathom except an experienced state prisoner or some supernatural intelligence to instruct them. [These observations are eminently rich when read in conjunction with Duggan’s real history. - W. J. F.]

O’Dougan was given to understand that Mr Clarke [See the attempt on the life of Mr Clarke, by Duggan earlier in this chapter.] and Captain Wilcock, two magistrates of the county, were in the knowledge of what was going on in Dublin by Mr Emmet. O’Dougan immediately let Mr Emmet know of this; whereupon Emmet, seeing how all the other expectations were likely to fail, which they did, ordered O’Dougan to do it himself, which caused him to take a few of the bravest men he had in confidence, and placed some between the Castle and the barracks, to stop any despatch from one to the other, and a guard to keep any communication to or from the commander-in-chief.

There was but little time to be lost on either side. The Government had summoned a privy council to deliberate on what was best to be done on their part. Things came so sudden on them, it seems they did not know well how to act until they would consult. Mr Emmet thought on taking the whole of the privy council as they sat in the Council [Mr David Fitzgerald, father of the Right Hon. J. D. Fitrgerald, mentions in a narrative supplied to Dr Madden, that he walked through the Castle Yard, at half-past seven o’clock on the evening of Emniet’s emeute. “There were no preparations; the place was perfectly quiet and silent; the gates were wide open!” Charles Phillips, in “Curran and his Contemporaries,” says, that on the night of Emmet’s outbreak, there was not a single ball in the Royal Arsenal would fit the artillery. This apathetic neglect contrasts curiously with the activity displayed in fortifying the Castle in 1848, and more recently during the Fenian conspiracy. - W. J. F.] and accordingly despatched Henry Howley for six double coaches to carry six men in each coach, making in all 36, with blunderbusses and short pikes that sprung out at full length with brass ferules on them, to keep them straight at full extent; but when Howley was coming with the first coach, and got as far as the lower end of Bridgefoot Street, a circumstance occurred that deranged the whole project. A soldier and a countryman had a dispute and began to fight. Howley stopped to see how the fight would end; meantime Cornet Brown came up and took part with the soldier; at seeing this, Henry Howley opened the coach and advanced to this interfering officer, and a struggled ensued, and Howley pulled out his pistol and shot Cornet Brown on the spot, and suddenly perceiving a sergeant and a party of soldiers coming over Queen’s Bridge, which caused him to withdraw and leave the coachman and coach there and then; it was then getting late, and no time to procure the coaches.

As the business of the coaches was left to Howley, none else was sent and all things seemed disappointment. A trooper, with despatches, was killed in Thomas Street, and also Lord Kilwarden. There appeared no better way to Mr Emmet and his staff than to retreat to the country and make their escape. They had a little skirmish with the military at the upper end of Thomas Street and Francis Street and a little on the Coombe. There were a few lives lost at their departure; and they went out of town as far as the mountain foot. At Ballinascorney they separated. Mr Robert Emmet returned into town, and his staff repaired to the county Kildare.

When O’Dougan returned from his post, where he and his party kept the pass, and cut off all communication to or from the commander-in-chief, it was past eleven o’clock, and all silence over the city; he came as far as the depot, and went past through Marshal Lane and into Thomas Street, as far as Crane Lane, where there was a guard of the army stationed, which he could discern by stooping, which he did frequently, for it was darkness all over the town, and the pikes lay in the street up and down, where they were cast away, and the men fled, every one to the best place they knew.

O’Dougan did not know where they went, nor did he bear for the space of three days their destination; but on the third day he got intelligence and went to Rathcoffey, where he found a number of them who in a few days were proclaimed, and £300 reward offered for them; and, after Mr Emmet’s execution, a it separated and went to different parts to conceal themselves from arrest, as they well knew their fate, for there was death without mercy, and the innocent as well as the guilty suffered; and the innocent suffered far more than the guilty, for there were but few concerned with Mr Emmet that suffered, while numbers were hung on the evidence of Ryan and Mahaffy, who swore for the sake of getting £50 for every one they hung. Mr Emmet and Howley died for the cause; Redmond and Felix Rourke died friends to the cause, but they were not intimately concerned in the insurrection; “all the rest,” adds Duggan, “were hung innocent on false evidence!”

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